In her deposition on March 15, 2010, Ross was questioned extensively about her relationship with Epstein and individuals in his orbit, including the role of recruiting young women for massages and possible sexual contact. She was asked whether she ever used the term “massage” as a euphemism, whether she personally arranged for young women (including minors) to meet Epstein, and whether she benefited financially or materially from such arrangements. Ross repeatedly invoked her Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination when asked substantive questions about her own conduct in connection with Epstein’s sexual-abuse network, declining to answer many questions about the details of her involvement.


Ross was also asked about her knowledge of Epstein’s associates and activities, including whether she was aware of certain flights, properties, and contacts used by Epstein’s organization for transporting, lodging or grooming associates. The deposition records show that many of these questions were met with silence or non-responses, as Ross declined to answer on advice of counsel or invoked the Fifth. The lack of direct testimony from Ross thus left significant gaps in the civil case’s ability to pin down the full details of her role.

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Stacey Plaskett has been exposed in newly released emails showing she was actively messaging Jeffrey Epstein during a congressional hearing, a revelation that detonated her carefully crafted public image as a defender of justice. Despite long-standing knowledge of Epstein’s reputation as a trafficker and blackmail broker for the powerful, Plaskett not only took his money, but fought to keep it until political pressure left her no escape route. Survivors have accused her of enabling Epstein’s network, yet the political establishment responded with silence and excuse-making, revealing a system that protects itself rather than victims. Her downfall has become a symbol of the deep, bipartisan rot that allowed Epstein to exist in the first place, and her scrambling defenders expose how quickly principles evaporate when careers are threatened.


The scandal isn’t an isolated accident or a partisan attack—it is a flashing red warning sign that the corruption surrounding Epstein was never limited to one party or one figure, but woven into the fabric of power itself. If the public is expected to demand accountability from Donald Trump, Prince Andrew, Bill Gates, and every other elite linked to Epstein, then Stacey Plaskett cannot receive a pass because she wears the right jersey. Her refusal to resign, the establishment’s sudden amnesia, and the survivors’ continued fight all underscore the same truth: the age of selective outrage is over, and consequences can no longer be optional. The reckoning has arrived, and there is no spinning, silencing, or burying this one.


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Enough is enough. The American people have been dragged through years of lies, manipulation, half-truths, and theatrical promises about the Epstein files. We were told transparency was coming — day one, they said. We were promised sunlight, subpoenas, answers, justice. Instead, what we got was political theater, influencer photo-ops, redactions thicker than concrete, and a bipartisan effort to bury the truth deeper than Epstein’s body ever went. Every excuse in the book has been thrown at us: investigations are ongoing, national security, sensitive information, legal complexities, timing issues — you name it. Meanwhile, the survivors grow older, the criminals grow richer, and the public grows angrier. At a certain point, the game becomes obvious: they are not stalling because of process, they’re stalling because of panic.

And now, the line has been drawn. It is no longer a request — it is a demand. Release the files. All of them. No more curated leaks, no more “phase one,” no more political puppetry. The country deserves every page, every email, every black book entry, every flight log, every deposition, unredacted and unfiltered. The world is watching a government terrified of its own reflection, terrified of the names that will shatter the illusion of integrity. Justice delayed is justice denied, and justice in the Epstein case has been delayed for decades. If our leaders can’t handle the truth, then step aside and let someone who can. The survivors deserve closure. The public deserves honesty. The system deserves cleansing. Enough is enough — release the files and let the chips fall where they may.


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After Jeffrey Epstein’s first arrest in 2008 on charges involving solicitation of a minor, he managed to escape serious consequences through an extraordinary plea agreement negotiated with federal prosecutors in Florida. Instead of facing federal sex-trafficking charges that could have resulted in decades behind bars, Epstein received an exceptionally lenient 13-month sentence in county jail—one that allowed him a controversial “work-release” privilege, enabling him to leave the facility for up to 12 hours a day, six days a week. The non-prosecution agreement also granted immunity to unnamed “co-conspirators,” shielding his network from accountability. The arrangement was conducted with secrecy so severe that it violated the Crime Victims’ Rights Act, leaving survivors uninformed and stunned when the deal surfaced years later. It quickly became viewed as one of the most disturbing examples of preferential treatment ever afforded to a wealthy defendant.

Even more alarming, multiple investigations later alleged that Epstein continued abusing underage girls even during his so-called incarceration, exploiting the freedoms granted under the work-release program. Reports asserted that he received visits from young women brought to his office while under state supervision, behavior witnesses described as continuing his sexual exploitation pipeline almost uninterrupted. Instead of being monitored closely, Epstein was allowed to travel extensively, meet with associates, conduct business, and maintain access to wealth, influence, and resources. His ability to continue predatory conduct while supposedly punished exposed the profound failure—and possible corruption—of the justice system tasked with restraining him, ultimately setting the stage for another decade of alleged abuse before his final arrest in 2019.


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After Jeffrey Epstein was arrested, his financial network and influence didn’t collapse—in fact, many of his money channels remained active and parts of his wealth stayed in demand. Banks and service providers continued handling large sums connected to him even when his reputation had become toxic. Reports surfaced showing that litigation and investigations revealed he had hundreds of millions in assets, multiple bank accounts, and a network of offshore vehicles that were still being managed or utilised. Some wealthy clients and institutions apparently accepted exposure to his funds because the prestige, access, or investment potential outweighed the reputational risk. Epstein’s business and social apparatus, though under scrutiny, proved resilient—his name still carried weight in some elite financial circles despite everything stacked against him.

Meanwhile, Ghislaine Maxwell—his long-time associate—allegedly kept clandestine lines of contact with him, even while he was under arrest or legal threat. Email records and internal correspondence published later suggested that Maxwell and Epstein exchanged messages about strategy, legal exposure, finances, and social-network management, indicating she remained involved behind the scenes. Although she publicly distanced herself from his criminal activities, the evidence points to her operating quietly—handling logistics, maintaining joint accounts, and performing coordination work that kept his sphere intact. Her role appears to have shifted from visible socialite to shadow operator, preserving their connection and helping sustain elements of his empire when open ties would have drawn too much attention.

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A federal indictment unsealed in July 2019 revealed that Jeffrey Epstein had operated a sprawling sex-trafficking enterprise between 2002 and 2005 and had not acted alone. According to prosecutors, Epstein had worked with a network of employees, associates, and others who had helped recruit and groom underage girls for exploitation. The report stated that four women who had been granted immunity under a 2008 plea deal approved by then-U.S. attorney Alexander Acosta were believed to have assisted Epstein in obtaining victims for himself and for other powerful men. At the time, the indictment reignited criticism of the controversial non-prosecution agreement and raised questions about how many people had helped maintain Epstein’s operation behind the scenes.

Psychiatrist Alan Manevitz told reporters that psychological factors may have played a role in explaining how some women became complicit, suggesting possibilities ranging from sociopathy to trauma-bonding dynamics such as Stockholm syndrome. Manevitz emphasized that while these theories did not excuse any behavior, they offered context for understanding how coercion and manipulation could have transformed victims into participants under Epstein’s control. The article portrayed the situation as a complex web of power, exploitation, and psychological domination that had enabled Epstein to operate for years with systematic assistance.

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Ghislaine Maxwell entered pleas of not guilty to all charges brought against her, asserting that she had no involvement in the sexual abuse and trafficking of minors connected to Jeffrey Epstein. During her arraignments, Maxwell’s defense team argued that the prosecution was attempting to make her a scapegoat for Epstein’s crimes following his death in federal custody, claiming she was being unfairly targeted because Epstein was no longer alive to stand trial. They maintained that Maxwell had no knowledge of or participation in any abuse and that the accusations were based on unreliable memories and media-driven pressure rather than hard evidence.

Despite the severity of the charges, Maxwell continued to insist on her innocence throughout the pre-trial process, challenging both the credibility of the accusers and the conditions of her confinement. Her attorneys attempted multiple times to secure bail, claiming she was being held under excessively harsh conditions and was not a flight risk, but the court repeatedly rejected these requests due to concerns about her financial resources, international ties, and the possibility she could flee prosecution. Throughout her legal battle, Maxwell’s not-guilty stance became central to her defense narrative, framing the case as one of political and public scapegoating rather than criminal accountability.


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Ghislaine Maxwell, longtime associate and accomplice of Jeffrey Epstein, was arrested by the FBI on July 2, 2020, in Bradford, New Hampshire, after months of evading authorities following Epstein’s death in federal custody. Prosecutors charged her with multiple federal counts, including enticement of minors, sex trafficking, and perjury related to her role in grooming and recruiting underage girls for Epstein’s abuse. The indictment alleged that Maxwell not only arranged travel and logistics for Epstein’s victims but also participated directly in the abuse, using her social status and charm to win the trust of vulnerable girls before delivering them into Epstein’s orbit.

After her arrest, Maxwell was denied bail several times due to concerns that she posed an extreme flight risk, supported by evidence of wealth, international connections, and multiple passports. She was held at the Metropolitan Detention Center (MDC) in Brooklyn under intense supervision, a reflection of the public scrutiny and outrage following Epstein’s suspicious death. The case against Maxwell marked a major shift in the Epstein scandal, representing the first time someone so closely tied to Epstein was formally held accountable and signaling that survivors and the public might finally see some measure of justice in a case long plagued by secrecy and power.


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For years, Prince Andrew acted like the high-flying royal who couldn’t see the minefield he was walking into: cozying up with ­Jeffrey Epstein, showing up in dubious photographs, giving an infamous 2019 BBC interview that looked more like a clown show than a credible defence (including his claim to have been at Pizza Express while accusations rained down). Ultimately his behavior came across as shamelessly indifferent, tone-deaf, and foolish—he didn’t just stumble; he waltzed through the wreckage.


Then everything collapsed. The monarchy pulled the plug: he relinquished titles, had military honours stripped, was told to leave his royal residence, and in late 2025 he was formally stripped of his “Prince” title and other styles, becoming simply Andrew Mountbatten-Windsor. These aren’t small demotions—they mark the end of his public roles and any real stature in the institution he once embodied. He gambled his privilege, association, and reputation—and lost it all.


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In late 2019, Prince Andrew publicly stated that he was “willing to help any appropriate law-enforcement agency” in relation to Epstein’s criminal activities. However, on 27 January 2020 the U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of New York announced that the prince had provided “zero cooperation” to the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) despite repeated requests to interview him as part of the investigation.

Since then, although at times Prince Andrew has asserted he remains open to cooperating, U.S. investigators maintain he has not voluntarily submitted to interview or question-and-answer sessions regarding the Epstein network.



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In a fact-finding report released by Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) in January 2020, conducted by the law firm Goodwin Procter LLP, it was found that Epstein donated a total of about $850,000 to MIT between 2002 and 2017, with approximately $225,000 going directly to Lloyd. The report concluded that Lloyd “purposefully failed to inform MIT” that Epstein—a convicted sex offender—was the source of certain donations in 2012 and that Lloyd allowed the gifts to be processed through administrators without formal discussion or full vetting. The report also stated that Lloyd accepted a personal gift of around $60,000 from Epstein in 2005 or 2006, deposited to his personal bank account and not reported to MIT.

Lloyd publicly rejected key aspects of the report. He stated that the accusations were “completely false” and maintained that MIT administrators “knew that the donor was Epstein and fully approved the donation with this knowledge.” He also said he did not concede any breach of professional duty despite the report’s language implying he did. Lloyd pointed to email evidence showing MIT staff’s direct acknowledgment of Epstein’s donation.


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In earlier reporting, much of the media framed the Jeffrey Epstein case largely as fuel for conspiracy theorists. The narrative around his death, the secretive networks, and the alleged “client list” often got labeled as fringe speculation, with the focus on odd memes and internet chatter rather than systemic investigation. The lack of transparency — the sealed records, the unanswered questions about his connections and how he died — created an environment where speculation thrived, and the mainstream coverage treated it as detached from serious journalism.


More recently though, the tone has shifted. The piece acknowledges that what was once mostly dismissed as conspiracy talk is now being seen by some outlets as, at minimum, a reflection of genuine institutional failures — gaps in oversight, accountability and transparency that allowed the story to be mishandled or ignored. The reinterpretation means the media is slowly moving from “crazy fringe theory” toward “legitimate unanswered questions,” recognizing that the earlier dismissal may have been premature and that the conditions that spawned those theories often stemmed from real structural problems.


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In her deposition on March 15, 2010, Ross was questioned extensively about her relationship with Epstein and individuals in his orbit, including the role of recruiting young women for massages and possible sexual contact. She was asked whether she ever used the term “massage” as a euphemism, whether she personally arranged for young women (including minors) to meet Epstein, and whether she benefited financially or materially from such arrangements. Ross repeatedly invoked her Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination when asked substantive questions about her own conduct in connection with Epstein’s sexual-abuse network, declining to answer many questions about the details of her involvement.


Ross was also asked about her knowledge of Epstein’s associates and activities, including whether she was aware of certain flights, properties, and contacts used by Epstein’s organization for transporting, lodging or grooming associates. The deposition records show that many of these questions were met with silence or non-responses, as Ross declined to answer on advice of counsel or invoked the Fifth. The lack of direct testimony from Ross thus left significant gaps in the civil case’s ability to pin down the full details of her role.

to contact me:

bobbycapucci@protonmail.com

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In a move widely criticized as politically motivated and structurally compromised, former SEC chairman Jay Clayton—who previously worked closely with Apollo Global Management, the private-equity firm led for decades by Jeffrey Epstein associate Leon Black—was appointed to oversee an investigation into Epstein’s alleged ties to Donald Trump’s political adversaries. Critics argue that placing someone so closely connected to a firm entangled in Epstein’s financial orbit fundamentally undermines the credibility of the inquiry. While the announcement was framed as a push for transparency, the decision raised immediate concerns about conflicts of interest and selective scrutiny. Observers note that when Trump publicly demanded investigations into his opponents, he conspicuously avoided referencing Black or Les Wexner, another figure long linked to Epstein, fueling allegations that the appointment was designed to protect insiders rather than expose them.


The broader controversy highlights what many see as a calculated effort to contain the fallout from newly surfaced Epstein-related communications that could implicate individuals across both political parties. Rather than pursuing a comprehensive accounting, the administration’s strategy appears focused on limiting exposure and reframing the narrative toward partisan targets. Survivors of Epstein’s abuse and their advocates have expressed frustration that those with direct proximity to Epstein—financially and personally—continue to remain shielded while public attention is redirected. Critics contend that the government’s approach resembles damage control rather than a legitimate pursuit of justice, reinforcing suspicions that political and financial interests, rather than accountability, are driving decisions at the highest levels.


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In the aftermath of another chaotic political week, the illusion of control around the Epstein scandal is collapsing. The same figures who once strutted with confidence now look frantic, sweating through their defenses as newly exposed emails and shifting alliances expose cracks in the narrative. What was once spun as strategy has curdled into panic—raw, unfiltered fear from people who know the truth is getting too close. Their sudden demand for a new “investigation” isn’t a pursuit of justice; it’s an act of self-preservation, a last-ditch effort to stall the release of the files and prevent the flood from breaking through the dam. If there were nothing to hide, transparency would have happened years ago.

Instead, we’re watching a system in its death throes—loyalists turning on each other, excuses being manufactured in real time, and political theater rebranded as leadership. But silence has an expiration date, and the louder the denials become, the more obvious the fear behind them is. When the truth finally detonates, it won’t spare anyone: not the politicians, not the billionaires, not the media, and certainly not the man clawing at the controls while the stage collapses under his feet. The reckoning isn’t theoretical anymore—it’s approaching, fast, and the footsteps are getting louder.


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Here's what I predicted would happen back in Feb. 2025:

The latest hype surrounding the supposed "Jeffrey Epstein client list" is yet another round of recycled speculation with little substantive backing. While reports claim that U.S. Attorney General Pam Bondi is reviewing documents that may include names of high-profile individuals, the idea of a singular, definitive "client list" has always been more of a conspiracy-fueled fantasy than a verified reality. Past unsealed documents have revealed connections between Epstein and well-known figures, but nothing has  ever  been  done. The notion that some secret ledger exists, ready to blow open a vast network of elite predators, is more wishful thinking than hard fact. If such a list existed, why hasn't it surfaced in the years of legal battles, document dumps, and investigative reporting?

More likely, this "impending release" is another instance of strategic leaks, sensationalism, and political maneuvering meant to stoke public outrage without delivering meaningful justice. Previous Epstein-related releases have been riddled with redactions, context-free name-dropping, and vague associations that fuel more speculation than they resolve. The real issue isn't whether a list exists—it’s whether those with actual influence will ever face real consequences. Until we see ironclad evidence, take any breathless claims about a damning "client list" with the skepticism they deserve.



Here's what ended up happening:


In early 2025, U.S. Attorney General Pam Bondi publicly suggested that a definitive “Epstein client list” was under review, saying it was “sitting on my desk” and hinting that names of powerful people might be revealed. Over the following months, pressure mounted for the release of a large trove of documents connected to Epstein’s sex-trafficking network and possible co-conspirators. But then on July 7, 2025 a two-page memo jointly issued by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and the United States Department of Justice (DOJ) concluded that “no credible evidence” was found that Epstein maintained a list of high-profile clients or that he engaged in a blackmail scheme against prominent individuals. The memo also reiterated that Epstein died by suicide, rejecting murder theories. At the same time the DOJ stated no further disclosure of records would be appropriate or warranted.

Despite that official determination, the reaction was volatile. Many supporters of the claim that a hidden list existed—especially on the right—felt betrayed and accused the administration of a cover-up. At the same time victims, researchers and journalists pointed to the fact that many Epstein-related documents remain sealed or heavily redacted, meaning the public still lacks full transparency into the network he operated. The DOJ’s decision not to push further investigations into uncharged third parties fed frustration. Further revelations complicated the matter: a transcript released in August 2025 showed that convicted associate Ghislaine Maxwell told federal officials she was unaware of any such list.



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In late July of 2019, Epstein was found injured and semiconscious inside his cell at the Metropolitan Correctional Center (MCC), with marks around his neck. At the time, the jail and federal authorities reported that surveillance video showing the outside of his cell, during the incident, was missing. Prosecutors initially claimed the footage “no longer exists,” citing a clerical error or administrative mistake as the deletion reason.  The disappearance of those camera files raised immediate red flags because standard procedure for such a high-profile inmate would have required preservation of all surveillance around the time of a suspected self-harm event. Instead the footage was lost, never formally produced, and the explanation offered was that it was deleted inadvertently — not as a scheduled or justified destruction.

The fact that the video was not preserved, and no credible technical reason was publicly validated for its deletion, fed the swirl of suspicion and conspiracy around Epstein’s treatment and eventual death. The failure to maintain that footage — or to provide an unbroken chain of custody or explanation for the loss — meant that one of the key pieces of physical evidence that might have explained what “really” happened during the first incident was simply unavailable. The missing video segment became a glaring hole in the official narrative, undermining procedural transparency and giving critics a tangible reason to doubt the government’s account of what happened that night.



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From the moment Ghislaine Maxwell was arrested in July 2020, she launched an aggressive series of bail attempts, all of which were rejected by federal judges who consistently found her to be an extreme flight risk. In her first effort, she requested release to home confinement with electronic monitoring, but prosecutors and the court highlighted her dual citizenships, extensive international ties, history of global travel, and large undisclosed financial resources. The court determined that no conditions—no matter how strict—could reasonably ensure that she would appear for trial. In December 2020, Maxwell’s legal team escalated their offer with a proposed $28.5 million bail package, secured by properties and supported by family members willing to act as guarantors. She also offered to waive her citizenships and abide by 24-hour armed guard monitoring, but the judge again ruled that her financial reach and international network made her uniquely capable of disappearing if released.


Following that failure, Maxwell submitted multiple additional bail requests in early 2021, each one attempting to address prior objections and each one rejected. The court pointed to documented efforts she had made to evade law enforcement, including hiding on a secluded New Hampshire estate and transferring assets through shell accounts, as evidence that she could not be trusted to remain under supervision. Prosecutors emphasized that her wealth was deliberately obscured, her ties to countries that do not extradite were significant, and the allegations against her were extraordinarily serious. Even her appeals to the Second Circuit were denied, affirming the lower court’s conclusion that she posed a flight risk that no bail package could mitigate. Ultimately, her detention remained in place until trial and conviction.


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In the majority ruling, the Eleventh Circuit denied Wild’s petition for a writ of mandamus, holding that the Crime Victims’ Rights Act of 2004 (“CVRA”) does not permit a crime-victim to initiate a freestanding civil lawsuit seeking judicial enforcement of her CVRA rights when no criminal prosecution has been formally commenced against the defendant. The court reasoned that the statute’s wording in § 3771(b)(1) ties a court’s obligation to “ensure” victims’ rights to “any court proceeding involving an offense against a crime victim,” and thus the rights trigger only once a “preexisting proceeding” exists. Because in this matter the federal government never filed charges or otherwise commenced criminal proceedings against Jeffrey Epstein in the relevant jurisdiction and context, the court held the CVRA simply was not triggered and Wild could not enforce her rights via stand-alone litigation.

In his dissent, Judge Hull strongly disagreed, arguing that the plain language of §§ 3771(a)(5) and (a)(8) grants victims a “reasonable right to confer with the attorney for the Government” and a “right to be treated with fairness,” and that § 3771(d)(3) explicitly authorizes a motion for relief “if no prosecution is underway”—which, in his view, means the CVRA does create a judicial enforcement mechanism even pre-charge. Hull asserted the majority’s interpretation imposes a judicially created requirement—i.e., that an indictment or formal prosecution must be pending—when no such prerequisite appears in the statute’s text. He warned that the decision unduly favors wealthy defendants and government actors who avoid formal charges, leaving victims of pre-charge misconduct with no remedy. He would have held that Wild’s rights attached pre-charge, were violated, and that she is entitled to seek judicial enforcement.


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In this appeal from a now-settled defamation case brought by Virginia Giuffre against Ghislaine Maxwell, the Second Circuit held that many of the documents under seal were properly treated as “judicial documents” to which a strong presumption of public access attached. The court reaffirmed that the status of a document as a judicial document is “fixed at filing” — meaning that if the filing was relevant to the court’s exercise of its Article III functions when filed, later events (e.g., the case being settled or the motion becoming moot) do not nullify the presumption of access. The court also clarified that a document does not lose the presumption of access simply because the court did not explicitly rely on it in rendering a decision, and that filings in connection with motions to seal or unseal are themselves judicial documents since they invoke the court’s supervisory power.

At the same time, the Second Circuit affirmed in part and vacated in part the district court’s orders. It agreed that the lower court did not err in declining to unseal certain documents — for example, segments of Maxwell’s deposition involving her adult sexual relationships and redacted identifying information of pseudonymized third-parties — because in those instances countervailing privacy interests outweighed the access presumption. But the appellate court vacated the district court’s categorical refusal to treat certain undecided motions as judicial documents subject to access, and remanded for further individual review of those materials (including a Florida deposition transcript and filings by non-parties) consistent with the correct standard.



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