Joo Jung-wan
The author is an editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo.
The Seoul housing market is showing signs of overheating again despite repeated interventions from the Lee Jae Myung administration. Government data from the Korea Real Estate Board shows that, as of Monday, apartment prices in the capital rose 0.27 percent from the previous week, the sharpest weekly gain in 12 weeks. The board releases its statistics every Thursday, and the increases have been accelerating since early September.
Private surveys suggest even steeper rises. KB Real Estate reported that in the week ending Sept. 15, Seoul apartment prices jumped 0.34 percent. Districts along the so-called "Han River Belt" led the surge, with Gwangjin up 0.96 percent, Songpa 0.94 percent, and Seongdong 0.73 percent. In Seongnam's Bundang District, just south of Seoul, prices rose 1.16 percent in one week, the fastest pace in four years and seven months.

As the administration marks its fourth month in office on Saturday, it faces a critical choice on housing policy. A third package of measures is expected soon, but the question is whether the government will pursue tougher restrictions or shift toward expanding supply. Many warn that repeating the regulatory playbook of the previous Moon Jae-in administration - sometimes derided as "Season Two" - would be a mistake. During Moon's five years in office, the government rolled out more than 20 strong measures, from lending curbs to punitive taxes, yet home prices soared. The backlash from frustrated Koreans - both homeowners burdened by rising costs and prospective buyers shut out of the market - contributed to the Democratic Party's loss of power.
President Lee himself appeared to recognize this during the campaign. On May 29, four days before the presidential election, he told a rally in Seoul's Seocho District, "When Democratic governments were in power, housing prices went up. Why did that happen? I decided to change my thinking. If people want to buy and sell at higher prices, even if there are disparities with other areas, do we really need to suppress that by force?" At the time, his remarks were seen as a signal that he would pursue a more pragmatic approach, distancing himself from Moon-era regulations.
But since taking office, the government's tone has shifted. Within a month, the administration introduced the June 27 measures, imposing sweeping lending restrictions. On Sept. 7, it unveiled another round of curbs, again tightening credit. Although that package was formally titled "Plans to Expand Housing Supply," critics said the content fell short, calling it an empty promise. Many now expect the government to expand land transaction permits, which ban buyers from purchasing homes with tenant deposits. The prospect of such restrictions has fueled a sense of urgency among buyers, with some describing the atmosphere as "last chance marketing."
The possibility of higher property taxes is also back on the agenda. On Monday, Land and Transport Minister Kim Yun-duk suggested in a meeting with reporters that he personally favors raising property ownership taxes, while clarifying that he was speaking in a personal capacity. In August, Presidential Policy Chief Kim Yong-beom argued that "no measures should be off the table if housing stability and welfare require them," warning that assuming taxes would never rise would be misguided.
Adjusting real estate taxes depending on market conditions is not unusual, but experts caution against repeating the mistakes of the past. Previous governments operated on the principle of gradually raising ownership taxes while easing transaction levies to keep the market fluid. Moon's administration broke from this balance, imposing heavy burdens on buyers, sellers, and owners alike. The result was widespread discontent and an overheated market.

If the current government ignores these lessons, analysts warn, the political and economic costs could be severe. Critics already speak...

President Lee Jae Myung said his administration is considering easing Korea's rules separating the finance and industrial sectors for the artificial intelligence realm, signaling a shift in policy designed to attract more capital into emerging technologies.
In a meeting with OpenAI CEO Sam Altman on Wednesday, Lee said the scale of AI investment is so large that the government should explore limited relaxation of existing restrictions, provided safeguards are in place to prevent monopolistic abuses. The remarks reflect growing recognition that Korea must adapt its financial framework to compete with the aggressive global push into AI by governments and major technology firms.
The separation rules were introduced in 1982 to prevent conglomerates from turning banks into private coffers and to block risks from nonfinancial sectors spilling into the financial system. While there have been partial relaxations, such as for internet banks, the core framework remains intact. Business groups have long argued that the rules, now more than four decades old, do not fit today's corporate environment.
One major restriction is on corporate venture capital units. Under current law, general holding companies cannot own stakes in domestic financial firms. Amendments to the Fair Trade Act in 2021 allowed ownership of corporate venture capital subsidiaries, but only as wholly owned units. Even then, they face constraints: a debt ratio limited to 200 percent of equity, caps on external fundraising at 40 percent and a ceiling of 20 percent of total assets for overseas investments. Companies argue that such hurdles prevent them from channeling both parent and outside funds into new ventures.
Calls for easing these restrictions have been rising. At a National Growth Fund meeting last month chaired by Lee, Celltrion Executive Chairman Seo Jung-jin and Shinhan Financial Group Chairman Jin Ok-dong said they would expand investment if regulations were relaxed. Business leaders and financiers alike stress that there is little justification for blocking capital from flowing into advanced industries such as AI.
Observers also note that the opposite side of the rules deserves review. Financial institutions are barred from holding more than 15 percent of a nonfinancial company, a limit seen as outdated in an era where technology is blurring the lines between banking and industry. Earlier attempts to adjust this framework were abandoned under the previous administration amid criticism of banks' reliance on interest income.
Relaxation of the rules has long faced opposition from parts of the Democratic Party and civic groups. Even modest changes for internet banks during the Moon Jae-in administration met strong resistance. Still, Korea risks isolating itself with regulatory barriers that diverge from global practices. As new industries reshape economies, a more flexible approach may be essential to keep investment flowing.
This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Seo Ji-eun and read by an artificial voice.

[EXPLAINER]
The head of South Korea's Unification Ministry and the country's top security adviser have aired starkly differing views on North Korea policy. While one sees North and South Korea as "two states," the other opposes this viewpoint - an issue that is stirring debate over what course the government will take on Pyongyang.
Unification Minister Chung Dong-young told reporters on Sept. 25 that South and North Korea are "already two states, even in international legal terms." Chung emphasized it as a de facto reality, noting the two Koreas' simultaneous admission to the United Nations in 1991 and decades of separate governance.
"We must transform the hostile two-state relationship into a peaceful two-state relationship," he said, suggesting a pragmatic approach to coexistence.
While accompanying the president to New York for the UN General Assembly, however, National Security Adviser Wi Sung-lac drew a red line through the so-called two states theory.
Wi said flatly, while speaking to reporters on Sept. 23, "The government does not support nor recognize the notion of two states," stressing that under South Korea's Constitution and the 1991 inter-Korean Basic Agreement, the South and North are not separate countries but rather parts of one Korean nation in a "temporary special relationship" until reunification.
Wi's remarks underscored the traditional stance long held by officials in the "alliance camp," mostly from diplomatic circles, that Seoul can't formally acknowledge North Korea as a separate state without undermining the legal premise of eventual unification.
Such contrasting messages from two of President Lee Jae Myung's top aides - one advocating a "peaceful two-state" approach, the other rejecting any endorsement of "two states" - have highlighted internal divisions regarding views on Pyongyang. Experts caution that if these internal disagreements persist, it could send the wrong signal to North Korea and the international community, causing confusion.

Why is the 'two-state' theory so contentious?
The debate over viewing North and South Korea as two separate states is not new.
Since both Koreas joined the UN simultaneously in 1991, they have undeniably functioned as two distinct countries in the international community. Each has its own government, military and UN seat.
South Korea's official unification formula, the National Community Unification Plan, envisions a gradual process with three stages - reconciliation and cooperation, a North-South confederation and final unification into one state - with the middle stage essentially consisting of "two systems, two governments" coexisting in a confederal arrangement before full unity.
The crux lies in the fear that accepting the reality of two states, even temporarily, could weaken the ultimate commitment to reunification.
Article 3 of South Korea's Constitution proclaims one indivisible Korean nation and territory.
Moreover, in the 1991 Inter-Korean Basic Agreement, both sides agreed to regard their relationship not as international but as a special intra-national relationship.
Conservatives have long been wary that talk of "two states" plays into the hands of those who might want to cement the division of the peninsula. During the Cold War, Seoul vehemently opposed any "two Koreas" policy that might legitimize North Korea as a separate state. The phrase "two-state theory" in today's context carries that baggage.
Critics of Chung's latest remarks argue that calling the Koreas "two states" risks crossing a symbolic line.
The conservative opposition People Power Party (PPP) criticized Chung for language that "makes it seem the Unification Minister has given up on reunification." The party warned that aligning with a two-state concept could breach the Basic Agreement's spirit and even require amending the constitution's territorial clause.
Chung, however, says that the recognition of two governments ...

This article is by Kim Ji-ye and read by an artificial voice.

Warning: This article may contain spoilers.
The screenwriter behind Disney+'s "Tempest," starring Jun Ji-hyun and Gang Dong-won, addressed the controversial line spoken by Jun regarding China, saying she never intended to offend anyone.
"I was the one who wrote that line, and given the situation, I kept thinking about whether I should step forward and say something," said Chung Seo-kyung, the show's screenwriter, during a roundtable interview at a cafe in Jongno District, central Seoul, on Thursday, alongside its producer Kim Hee-won.
"Those who've seen the drama would know that it doesn't really deal with the real world. It's more like a sci-fi story set in a fictional world. I wasn't trying to portray any particular country. In fact, if I could have, I would have given each country a different name. But that would have required too much explanation and would have reduced the sense of realism, so I had to settle on the current setting."
In the series, there was a line in which Jun's character, Seo Mun-ju, says: "But why would China prefer a war? The border region could end up as a nuclear target." The clip circulated online, leading Jun to face backlash from Chinese viewers, who criticized it as an insult to their country.
Chung also said she felt burdened that Jun was taking the blame, and thanked the actor for handling the situation calmly.

"It's a fictional story and Jun Ji-hyun really understood that very well," she added. "And, honestly, I felt really heavyhearted that she got caught up in controversy because of a line I wrote."
"But she calmly told me, 'It's just fiction and people will eventually understand it's a misunderstanding.' That honestly meant a lot to me."
The nine-episode series follows the story of Mun-ju, portrayed by Jun, a former United Nations ambassador with an esteemed international reputation, who becomes a presidential candidate after her husband, also a presidential candidate, is assassinated. She investigates the case, alongside San-ho, portrayed by Gang, a mysterious mercenary of unknown nationality tasked with protecting her, as they confront a truth that threatens the Korean Peninsula.
The series was coproduced by Kim, who helmed hits such as "Queen of Tears" (2024) and "Little Women" (2022), and Heo Myeong-haeng, known for "The Roundup: Punishment" (2024). Chung previously wrote director Park Chan-wook's "Decision to Leave" (2022).
The show explores a wide range of international political topics surrounding South Korea, North Korea and the United States. For Chung, depicting these matters was a major challenge. Her solution was to create a fictional "Korea-1."
However, while creating this fictional world, she said that she didn't want to miss two things: Korea's international position and war.
"I wanted to highlight just how limited Korea's power can be within international relations and that war can happen even if we have no intention or role in triggering it," Chung said. "Sometimes war can be driven by another country due to their domestic affairs, shifts in information or how events are interpreted. I wanted to remind the audience of these matters and show what influence our protagonist could have and what changes they could bring about in such a situation."

The show also portrays a romance between Mun-ju and San-ho, which many viewers anticipated as the two leads had never collaborated before. The characters share an intimate moment while sirens wail, warning of an imminent war, which some viewers found fast paced and unconvincing.
Chung acknowledged that some may find it too fast and explained that the main feature of its romance is that the protagonists, in their mid-40s, are falling in love, which differs from romances between younger characters.
"The first thing I considered was, 'What makes [their love] different from a romance between a man and a woman in their 20s?'" she said. "The main difference, I felt, is that ...

This article is by Lee Eun-ju and read by an artificial voice.

Painter Chun Kyung-ja (1924-2015) defied convention both on and off the canvas - a flamboyant dresser, a fearless traveler and a pioneer of modern Korean color painting. Ten years after her death, a major exhibition in Seoul revisits the dazzling freedom that defined her life and art.
The retrospective at Seoul Museum in Jongno District, central Seoul, titled "The 101st Page of My Sad Legend," offers a sweeping look at the artist's career from the late 1940s to the 1990s. The exhibition runs through Jan. 15 next year and features some 80 of Chun's signature color paintings alongside 150 illustrations, book covers, photographs and archival materials.

Chun, one of Korea's most celebrated modern painters, was often described as a defiant artistic figure whose bold personality radiated through her work. In a poem, novelist Pak Kyong-ni (1926-2008) once described Chun as "neither approachable nor distant" and "a somewhat harsh artist," adding that "dreams lie in her canvas, sorrows in her cigarettes."
Pak said that seeing Chun in her flamboyant attire was like "feeling primary colors" and described her language as "sensual to the point of dizziness," casting her as a free-spirited outlier in a society of polished manners. That very sense of freedom, many argue, is why her art continues to resonate.
The Seoul exhibition is the largest since Chun's final solo show, "82 Pages of My Beautiful Memory," held at Gallery Hyundai in 2006. Chun, who graduated from Women's Academy of Fine Arts, now known as Joshibi University of Art and Design, in 1944, built a pioneering career in color painting while teaching, exhibiting and later serving as an art professor at Hongik University.

A lifelong traveler, she embarked on 13 journeys around the world over the course of 25 years, beginning at the age of 46, and also published around 20 books of essays and travel writing. In 1998, she donated more than 90 works to the Seoul Museum.
The exhibition begins with "The 49th Page of My Sad Legend" (1974), a piece from the Seoul Museum collection, completed after Chun left her post at Hongik University. It depicts a nude woman curled on the back of an elephant in a tranquil African landscape. Also on display is "Grassland II" (1978), which in 2018 became the first work by a Korean female artist to fetch more than 2 billion won ($1.42 million) at auction.
Highlights from earlier periods include "Someday that day" (1969) and "Spring Rain" (1966), marked by distinctive blue tones. The latter is a dreamlike landscape of her hometown Goheung County, South Jeolla. "Stillness" (1955), which won a presidential prize the same year, shows a girl in a red dress holding a black cat against a backdrop of sunflowers. Chun once said of painting it, "I don't know why, but I kept crying as I drew it."

The exhibition also presents many of Chun's renowned portraits of women, reframed here as "female portraits" rather than the conventional term miindo, referring to paintings of beautiful women.
Kim In-hye, chief curator of the National Museum of Modern and Contemporary Art (MMCA), argued that while miindo implies a male gaze that objectifies women, Chun's portraits depict real-life models imbued with the artist's own emotions, showing women as independent subjects.
Well-known works such as "Solitude" (1974) and her portrait of poet Noh Cheon-myeong (1912-1957), painted in 1973, are also on view.
The exhibition was organized in collaboration with 18 institutions, including the MMCA and Gallery Hyundai, with contributions from private foundations such as the Hansol Cultural Foundation and the Gana Foundation for Arts and Culture. Essays by seven figures, including Gallery Hyundai founder and President Park Myung-ja and Samseong Museum of Publishing founder Kim Jong-kyu, accompany the galleries to offer multiple perspectives on Chun's legacy.

But Chun's name remains tied to the 1991 "Beautiful Woman" forgery ...

This article is by Sarah Chea and read by an artificial voice.

[BEHIND THE NUMBERS]
Hyundai Motor is bearing mounting costs on an unprecedented scale due to the hefty 25 percent tariff imposed by the Donald Trump administration - in sharp contrast to competitors like Toyota and Volkswagen, whose home countries have already reached tariff agreements with the United States.
Hyundai and sister brand Kia have paid almost 5 million won ($3,600) as tariff per vehicle exported in the second quarter, raising their quarterly losses to 1.6 trillion won. Meanwhile, Japan and the European Union reached a deal with the White House to reduce the tariff rate on their vehicles to 15 percent, with some companies even slated to receive reimbursements for previously overpaid duties.
Hyundai, facing a jump from zero duties to 25 percent, finds itself unable to raise prices to offset costs; it shoulders the full weight of this financial strain as it fights to defend its foothold in the U.S. market. The progress in follow-up talks between Seoul and Washington has been delayed amid Trump's demand for $350 billion upfront payment.

5 million won per car: The cost of every export
Hyundai and Kia faced a combined loss of roughly 1.6 trillion won ($1.1 billion) in the second quarter due to the impact of tariffs, according to their earnings report, translating to about 4.9 million won in tariffs per vehicle shipped to the U.S. market.
Between April and June, Hyundai sold a total of 262,305 vehicles in the U.S. market, and of them, 109,112 were produced in its Alabama and Georgia plants for local sale. The remaining 153,193 units were manufactured in Korea and exported, meaning Hyundai absorbed roughly 828.2 billion won in tariff-related losses for the second quarter, equating to about 5.4 million won per exported vehicle.
Kia sold 265,684 vehicles during the same period, with 174,634 vehicles exported from Korea, resulting in an estimated tariff cost of some 4.5 million won per vehicle.
These losses pale compared to Toyota Group's 450 billion yen ($3 billion) and Volkswagen Group's 1.3 billion euros ($1.5 billion) but Toyota sold significantly more vehicles in the U.S. market - roughly 794,000 units - and avoids tariffs on about 60 percent of its sales through local production.
Also, since July 1, Toyota has raised its U.S. car prices by an average of $270, with its Lexus brand increasing prices by around $208, helping to offset the losses.

Hyundai Motor Group's local production rate in the United States, however, stands at just 37.9 percent as of the second quarter, while even Honda's reaches as high as 72 percent.
European brands, including Volkswagen, will receive partial refunds under the Trump administration's agreement that the 15 percent tariff would be applied retroactively from August 1, and firms that paid higher tariffs after that date will be eligible to reclaim the difference.
For Hyundai Motor Group, the third-largest automaker in the world, the U.S. market is crucial in its quest to surpass Volkswagen and challenge Toyota's top spot. In the first half, Hyundai's operating profit hit 13 trillion won - equivalent to $9.28 billion - surpassing Volkswagen's 6.71 billion euros, or around $7.88 billion.
"If 25 percent tariffs persist, Hyundai and Kia are estimated to face tariff burdens of some 400 billion won and 300 billion won, respectively, every month," said analyst Lee Hyun-wook of IBK Securities.
"In 2024, Japan and Korea ranked second and third in U.S. automobile imports, with export values close to $39.9 billion and $37.4 billion," Lee said. "However, the tariff disparity has put Korean automakers at a relative disadvantage in price competitiveness despite operating in the same market environment."

'No price hike': Hyundai's bleak road ahead
The outlook is even more challenging as Hyundai refuses to raise prices in a bid to protect its market share, instead absorbing the full loss - while the timeline for a Korea-U.S. tariff resol...

This article is by Jeong Hye-jeong and read by an artificial voice.

Skincare brand Mamonde has officially entered the European market through a partnership with Lyko, a leading beauty retailer based in Sweden, Amorepacific announced Thursday.
Mamonde products are now available at 33 Lyko brick-and-mortar stores in Sweden, Norway and Finland, as well as through online platforms in five additional countries: Denmark, Germany, the Netherlands, Poland and Austria.
The launch lineup features the brand's 11 best-selling products, including the Floral Glow Rose Liquid Mask and its Amazing Deep Mint Cleansing Balm. The rose mask, in particular, is expected to serve as a key product for introducing European consumers to the appeal of K-beauty, according to Amorepacific.

To mark the debut, Mamonde hosted a promotional event at Lyko's flagship store in Stockholm on Sept. 24, inviting industry figures and beauty experts.
"With our strong platform, passionate community and experience in successful brand launches, we are the natural partner for Mamonde's European expansion. This is an important step in our vision to become the starting point for beauty," said Lyko CEO Richard Lyko.
"This European launch is Mamonde's first step toward solidifying its status as a global skincare brand. We plan to quickly expand to other key markets such as the United Kingdom, Italy, Poland and the Czech Republic, accelerating our global beauty strategy," an Amorepacific spokesperson said.
This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Shin Ha-nee and read by an artificial voice.

Every few months, a familiar controversy hits K-pop. An idol act takes the stage abroad, delivers a somewhat stripped-down or seemingly lip-synched performance and the internet erupts - they can't sing, they can't perform without the spectacle.
This time, it's girl group aespa. But behind the repeated criticism lies a deeper question: in an industry built as much on fan engagement, visuals and storytelling as on music itself, what exactly should K-pop idols be judged on?
SM Entertainment's aespa has become the latest K-pop act to face scrutiny over an "underwhelming" showing after performing "Rich Man" on ABC's flagship morning program "Good Morning America" (1975-) on Sept. 12 without any backup dancers or the dynamic camera work typical of Korea's music show programs. Visible mistakes and occasionally uncoordinated choreography fueled a wave of criticism online.

Most of the negative reactions under the performance video on YouTube, predominantly written in Korean, center on the group's choreography, which many viewers described as awkward and disorganized under the program's straightforward, unembellished filming style.
"Idols are indeed products crafted by numerous experts," wrote one user, earning some 6,700 likes as of Thursday, indicating that without the visual polish provided by elaborate stage production, idols appear noticeably less charismatic.
"I feel solemn after watching this… Why did they do this?" wrote another user with 8,000 likes.
The quartet is hardly the first to be caught in the crosshairs. Illit, Le Sserafim, Blackpink's Lisa and even BTS have all, at different points, been criticized for live stages that failed to meet expectations.
It's a familiar controversy that resurfaces every few months, with similar criticism resurfacing as well - pointing out that K-pop idols struggle to hold their own without elaborate staging such as intricate camera work, booming backtracks, a bunch of backup dancers and spectacular stage effects that often define their high-octane performances.

But it also raises an uncomfortable question at the heart of the industry of what K-pop is really about.
For some, the genre's foundation lies in music and performance, or the pure ability to command a stage. For many others, it's a larger package where concept, production, fashion, choreography and active fan engagement weigh as heavily as performance ability.
If stage presence is truly meant to be the alpha and omega of K-pop idols, why does it feel like the expectations keep rising everywhere and not just for the music itself?
The most explosive recent example came with Le Sserafim's Coachella in April last year, when the group drew massive backlash for uneven live vocals - something that was occasionally brought up by critics while pointing to aespa's latest performance.
While Le Sserafim's controversy focused on vocal issues, and aespa's centered on overall stage execution, the underlying critique remains similar at its core - they were seen as falling short of expectations for delivering a polished, well-rounded performance, a standard often assumed to be basic for anyone who considers themselves a singer.
Following the widely criticized performance of Le Sserafim, music critic Choi I-sak, who described the controversy as "the biggest singing skill scandal in Korea's history," noted that the performance overall was compelling, as the quintet delivered an intense set list coupled with powerful choreography that inevitably strained the vocals.

"I believe K-pop needs to be more honest about how demanding too much from singers has led to the long-established system of 'division of vocal labor,'" Choi wrote on her social media account at the time.
BTS's RM noted in a 2023 interview with El Pais that the K-pop system can be dehumanizing in some aspects, as trainees are pushed from a young age to perfect choreography, vocals and visuals all at once, while also notin...

This article is by Woo Ji-won and read by an artificial voice.

Enter a room - or, these days, not - search for hidden clues and unravel a mystery. That's how a growing number of tourists are choosing to spend their time in Korea these days.
Foreign visitors' spending on escape rooms skyrocketed 1,419 times in the first half of this year compared to the same period last year, according to the Korea Tourism Organization (KTO), with the trend especially clear in tourist-heavy areas like Hongdae.
"At least one team a day is foreigners, and sometimes we get four groups in a row," said Oh Sae-saem, who co-runs the escape rooms Deepthinker and Real Escape Challenge in western Seoul's Hongdae. At Deepthinker, which opened in 2023, 20 to 30 percent of players are foreigners, while Real Escape Challenge sees a higher proportion at nearly half. Some come with Korean friends, while others are all-foreigner groups.
"We are seeing steady reservations from independent travelers, working holiday visitors and exchange students," said a representative from Keyescape, one of Korea's largest escape room operators with numerous branches nationwide. "The number has risen sharply since late 2023, while many in 2024 came after enjoying K-content like BTS or Squid Game, saying they wanted to experience Korean culture firsthand."
X Escape's Hongdae Playground branch, which offers four themes in English, is also noticing the change, with "more tourist players visible, particularly this year," according to a staff member.

With the long Chuseok holiday just around the corner, there's no better time to give one a try.
Escaping through Korea's stories
Korea was a latecomer to the escape room craze, with the first ones opening around 2015, years after the trend had taken off in Japan, Singapore and the United States.
"At the time, escape rooms were flourishing in Singapore, but there were none in Korea," said Oh, who launched Real Escape Challenge with her Singaporean husband, Justin Yong, in 2015. "So my husband came up with the idea to open one here. It was very popular in the beginning. Reservations were fully booked for months."

Real Escape Challenge in Hongdae remains popular with foreigners today, offering all five of its rooms in both English and Korean.
Created by the couple, one of its most distinctive storylines is "Gumiho: The Village's Mystery," based on Korea's nine-tailed fox folklore. "Because Gumiho is a Korean monster, some foreign visitors choose that theme just for the cultural element," Oh said.
Recreating traditional folklore through modern interpretation, players try to solve a mystery surrounding a village. The game has a challenge level of 4 out of 5 and a fear level of 3.5 out of 5.
The other escape room, Deepthinker, takes a gentler approach with "Ongyi's Dream," a sentimental, fairytale-like story about a cat.

"Typical escape rooms often emphasize thrillers and horror, usually enjoyed by older students or adults," Oh said. "'Ongyi's Dream' has a soft, heartwarming story that people of all genders and ages can enjoy." She added that its "sentimental theme" is a concept she considers unique to Korea.
It is also especially easy for foreign players to understand, as the theme was designed with such audiences in mind. "Because my husband is a foreigner, we naturally thought to create games with consideration for foreign players. We designed the theme so that even those who don't know a single word of Korean can still play," said Oh.
Keyescape also draws on tradition with "Wolyaedam," a modern retelling of Korean folktales in which the player takes on the role of a dolse, a servant from the past. Created by its planning team, it's also serviced in English.

Outdoor escapes
The summer heat has eased, and for those craving a twist on the classic enclosed escape room, entire neighborhoods, hotels and historic landmarks are now turning into playing fields.

The KTO has partnered with local escape room companies to roll out new multili...

This article is by Shin Jin-ho, Son Sung-bae and read by an artificial voice.

A fire broke out at the Lotte Innovate Data Center (IDC) in Daejeon on Thursday morning, just days after a separate blaze disrupted the government's digital systems nationwide.
The fire started at around 4:59 a.m. at Lotte IDC in Daejeon and was extinguished by 5:38 a.m., authorities from the Daejeon Fire Headquarters and Daejeon Metropolitan Police said. Fire authorities deployed 21 vehicles and 62 personnel to the site.
Officials believe the fire began in the uninterruptible power supply (UPS) module inside the first-floor computer machinery room of the two-story building. They suspect a battery in the UPS module may have caused the blaze, but said a precise determination requires further investigation into possible electrical factors.
Lotte Innovate operates four data centers in Geumcheon District, southern Seoul, Daejeon and Yongin, Gyeonggi. The Daejeon center has been in operation since 2010.
The fire has raised questions about the effectiveness of recent safety checks.
The city of Daejeon and the fire headquarters conducted emergency fire safety inspections at five major local data centers from Tuesday to Wednesday following the fire at the National Information Resources Service on Friday. The Lotte IDC facility initially underwent inspection, but the fire erupted just a day afterward.
Police and fire authorities plan to question Lotte IDC employees to determine the exact cause of the fire and assess the scale of the damage.
This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

Ko Jae-hyun
The author is a professor at the School of Semiconductor and Display Engineering at Hallym University.
When raising children, parents often ask themselves how much they are willing to sacrifice. Most would say they could give their lives for their children. The same instinct usually extends to grandchildren, whether out of affection or biological drive.
But what about descendants 10 generations down the road? Rationally, one might feel the same obligation, yet the sense of urgency diminishes with distance.
This question resurfaced for me after reading a recent journal article on wildfires and the climate crisis. Using machine learning, the study analyzed accumulated wildfire data to predict future trends and early mortality. The findings were stark: If current conditions continue, carbon emissions from wildfires could rise 23 percent and wildfire-related premature deaths could increase sixfold by 2100.

The core problem is that the main victims of such disasters - the future generations - do not yet exist. Their suffering has no direct channel into today's policymaking. To address this gap, scholars have experimented with behavioral economics and game theory to simulate communication between present and future generations.
Their conclusions converge on one principle. If the current generation restrains its consumption of resources and adopts democratic decision-making to limit usage, future generations will have a chance at sustainability.
Worrying about descendants 10generations removed requires a long-term altruism that extends beyond family ties to a broader sense of humanity. Can this kind of obligation expand into universal compassion?
On Sept. 27, young people gathered in major cities for the Climate Justice March. Their voices demanded that older generations begin a serious dialogue with the future. The rallies were not only a protest but also a plea for recognition.
The question remains whether we are ready to engage in that conversation. If the present course holds, future generations face severe climate catastrophes. Are we prepared to listen to their unheard voices and act on their behalf?
This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

Lee Cheol-jae
The author is a senior defense reporter at the JoongAng Ilbo.
"Never again drive your armed forces against Greece. Its land defends itself, as if fighting on its behalf."
This line comes from "The Persians" (472 B.C.) by Aeschylus, the ancient Athenian tragedian. It is spoken when the ghost of Darius I appears before his son, Xerxes I, warning him not to invade Greece. The setting is around 480 B.C., when Xerxes sent Persian forces to march on Greece. The historian Herodotus wrote that the Persian army then numbered 2.5 million. The figure is likely exaggerated, but the scale was still immense. Xerxes sought to avenge his father, who had lost in the Battle of Marathon during the First Persian War (492 - 490 B.C.). Ignoring Darius's warning, Xerxes suffered defeat at Salamis, and the Second Persian War (480 - 479 B.C.) ended in failure.
"How could the storm of fate, unimaginable and unforeseen, strike down so suddenly upon my hapless head?"

This is how Aeschylus described Xerxes's lament as he witnessed defeat at Salamis. "The Persians" was written in 472 B.C., only eight years after the battle. Aeschylus himself was a veteran. His decision to dramatize a recent historic event, not a myth, reflects the magnitude of the Persian Wars' impact on Greece.
The Delian League was born in this context. Formed in 478 B.C., six years before "The Persians," it aimed to deter renewed Persian aggression. Greece had won major battles, but Persia remained powerful and posed an ongoing threat. Athens led the alliance, which grew to include more than 150 city-states along the Aegean coast. Its headquarters was on Delos, a sacred island known as the birthplace of Apollo and Artemis.
Member states were required to contribute ships to the united fleet or pay tribute. The annual sum reached about 600 talents. One talent was equivalent to the yearly wages of nine skilled workers or the operating cost of a small fleet for a year. Each year, representatives gathered on Delos to discuss matters of concern. Athens chaired, but decisions were made by equal votes.
The Delian League succeeded in deterring Persia and flourished as trade among members expanded. Its influence spread, and membership grew to more than 200 states.
Over time, however, the league changed. Having fulfilled its mission of protecting Greece, it began to reflect Athens's imperial ambitions. Membership was voluntary in principle, but withdrawal was not permitted. When Naxos attempted to leave in 469 B.C., Athens invaded. Naxos surrendered, and its people were sold into slavery. Thasos tried to withdraw in 465 B.C. after a dispute over harbor rights and gold mining, but Athens crushed it as well.
Other states began to fear Athens. They realized it could turn its military power against members when convenient. Athens's rise and naval dominance also alarmed Sparta. In 460 B.C., the Peloponnesian War broke out.
Using the war as justification, Athens transferred the league treasury from Delos to Athens. It freely used the funds for its own finances, even to construct the Parthenon. What had been collective contributions became tribute paid to Athens.
Athens interfered in the laws and politics of member states and encouraged its citizens to resettle there, expanding its influence. It abolished the league's assembly and imposed its own systems, forcing members to conduct trials in Athens and pay court fees. It required them to adopt Athenian currency and standards of weights and measures.
Seeking advantage over fellow Greeks in Sparta, Athens even signed a peace treaty with its old enemy, Persia. With the league's original purpose gone, it became little more than an instrument of Athenian imperialism. States began to drift away. By 404 B.C., Sparta defeated Athens in the Peloponnesian War, and the Delian League dissolved.
The league had given Athens a golden age, but it also sowed the seeds of decline. Athens's domination weakened the alliance, and ultimately itself.

The st...

Chin Jung-kwon
The author is a professor at Kwangwoon University.
According to French psychoanalyst Jacques Lacan, human subjectivity is composed of three orders: the symbolic, the imaginary, and the real. Whether one accepts his philosophy or not, this tripartite framework can be applied not only to individuals but also to the broader condition of society, offering a way to understand today's political distortions.
Lacan defined the symbolic as the realm of language, logic, reason and law. In broader social terms, it includes education, scholarship, public debate, the judiciary and legislatures - activities governed by meanings and rules collectively recognized.

The imaginary, in contrast, belongs to the world of images and fantasies. Today, it is reflected in films, comics, video games, idol culture, YouTube and the selfie-driven aesthetics of social media. It is the domain of powerful desires and the illusions of fulfilling them.
Korean politics now shows the imaginary overpowering the symbolic. As society shifts from a text-centered to an image-centered culture, the symbolic order has steadily yielded ground to the imaginary.

One example is the Democratic Party's (DP) attempt to summon the chief justice of the Supreme Court for questioning. The reason was implausible: He allegedly joined in a "meeting of four" - a supposed secret gathering later revealed as a fabrication, even involving AI-generated voice manipulation - to influence the 2025 presidential election by pushing opposition leader Lee Jae Myung's campaign law case toward a guilty verdict. In fact, the referral of Lee's case to the full bench followed normal procedure. It is common sense that a chief justice cannot coerce 10 other justices into a ruling.
Yet this conspiracy theory, born in the fervent imagination of pro-Lee supporters often labeled "gaeddal," became an official agenda item in the National Assembly's Legislation and Judiciary Committee. The term "gaeddal" originated from the phrase "daughters of reform." It does not exclusively refer to women, and over time has acquired a derogatory nuance. Today, it is rarely used by DP supporters themselves but is often employed by political opponents as a pejorative. Still, it has come to signify Lee's most ardent base. A leading DP figure, himself a former law professor, was reported to have prepared an impeachment motion in anticipation of the chief justice's refusal to attend. Disturbingly, such reasoning has spread into public consciousness. A poll showed 43.9 percent of respondents in favor of the chief justice's resignation and 47.5 percent opposed - meaning nearly half of voters regard the conspiracy as true.
Legacy media, once representing the symbolic order, have proven powerless against this tide. Their role has been reduced to amplifying raw claims from the imaginary and adding inverted commentary, such as, "If half the people demand resignation, perhaps the court must reflect."
Canadian philosopher Marshall McLuhan argued that electronic media transform a "public" into a "mass audience." What disappears is the public dimension itself. Reality no longer belongs solely to the tangible; collective illusion takes its place.
Debates over prosecutorial reform unfold less in institutional forums than in YouTube's imaginary sphere. The ruling party leader vowed before the Chuseok holiday to bring "the joyful news of dismantling the prosecution," echoing the rhetoric of Kim Eo-jun, a broadcaster and YouTuber nicknamed "Eo-jun Christ" by followers. Kim, who commands strong devotion among DP supporters, has leveraged his platform to exert significant influence on party politicians.
In truth, prosecutorial and judicial reform are illusions. They did not emerge from grievances of ordinary citizens harmed by the justice system. Advocates rarely cite actual victims. From the beginning, these reforms were projects designed by and for the DP elite. Their beneficiaries have shifted over time - from former presi...

The government's 13 trillion won ($9 billion) consumption coupon program, touted as a "prime mover for domestic recovery," has proven fleeting in its effect. According to Statistics Korea, retail sales rose 2.7 percent in July from the previous month but fell 2.4 percent in August, the sharpest decline since February 2023.
From July 21, about 50.08 million people - 99 percent of the population - received 150,000 won each, injecting over 9 trillion won into the economy. The Ministry of Economy and Finance hailed July's uptick as "a positive signal for recovery," and President Lee Jae Myung said at an event marking 100 days in office that "consumption sentiment has revived thanks to the coupons." Yet the data show this was only a temporary illusion. Experts who warned that the program would merely pull forward spending have been proven right.
The real problem is that debt has piled up without boosting growth. The International Monetary Fund has repeatedly cautioned that Korea, as a nonreserve currency country, must adopt fiscal rules and prepare structural reforms for rapid aging. Despite this, the government is sticking with expansionary spending. Growth is projected at below 1 percent this year and only in the low 1 percent range next year, but government spending in 2025 is set to rise 8.1 percent. Over the medium term, annual increases of 5.5 percent are planned. Next year, debt service costs will reach 150.7 trillion won, consuming 22.4 percent of total revenue.
The earlier Moon Jae-in administration already expanded the national debt by more than 400 trillion won under its income-led growth agenda. Today's "coupon-led growth" seems little different in name or outcome. The Bank of Korea projects private consumption to grow barely above 1 percent this year. Cash handouts will not reverse the trend. Even so, a second round of 100,000 won coupons is being distributed to all but the top 10 percent of households. The public may again express gratitude, saying they bought beef or medicine, but such momentary satisfaction does not revive the economy. This is a classic case of populist cash distribution.
The real solution lies in investment and reform. Fiscal resources must be directed toward innovative industries through tax benefits and research support, expanding both the growth base and employment. Cash aid should be limited to a minimum social safety net. Anti-business regulations must also be eased. In Silicon Valley and Beijing's tech hub of Zhongguancun, companies work virtually without time restrictions, driving technology competition and creating jobs and income. In Korea, the 52-hour workweek and the "Yellow Envelope Bill" dampen investment incentives. Removing such barriers alone could spark a virtuous cycle of investment and domestic demand.
This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Kim Ji-ye and read by an artificial voice.

Beauty makeup survival show "Just Makeup," produced by the studio behind "Culinary Class Wars" (2024), is set to premiere on Friday with singer Lee Hyo-ri as its host, marking her first time hosting a competition show in 16 years since the singing contest "Superstar K" (2009-16) in 2009.
"I've often participated in variety shows that are unscripted and flow naturally," said Lee during the show's press conference held in Gwangjin District, eastern Seoul, on Wednesday. "But taking on a survival program meant I had to follow the script word for word, which turned out to be more challenging than I expected."
She added that it wasn't easy to "deliver lines exactly as written and hit the right key points" and that she studied announcers Jun Hyun-moo and Kim Sung-ju for reference.
Despite her concerns, the producers praised her, noting that her free-spirited style blended well with the script of a survival show that could have easily felt rigid, thereby helping the contestants feel more at ease.
Produced by Shim Woo-jin and Park Sung-hwan, the makeup show features 60 beauty makeup artists from around the world, including Korea's top celebrity makeup artists and beauty influencers, competing for the top spot.
The contestants will be assessed by four judges: makeup artist and eponymous beauty brand founder Jung Saem Mool, makeup artist Seo Ok, beauty creator Risabae and makeup master Lee Jin-su from beauty company Amore Pacific.

Producer Park shared why they selected the four judges, saying, "I realized that makeup spans a wide range, from everyday looks to costume makeup. Since beauty isn't something with a single correct answer, we thought it was important to hear a variety of perspectives."
Amid the global K-culture boom, especially K-beauty, producer Shim said that the show's timing was perfect.
"We felt like if we didn't do it now, we might never get the chance," Shim said. "I think we came on board at just the right moment."
With 60 contestants, a large-scale set was designed to accommodate both the contestants and their makeup models, with Park noting that a "fair amount of money" was put into the production.
For the producers, featuring as many contestants as possible was one of their key goals.
"While preparing for this show, I realized that there are so many sectors within the makeup field, so I really wanted to show as many people as possible in the program," producer Shim said. "One specific thing that I had in mind when recruiting the contestants was whether the person has their own philosophy."
Singer Lee Hyo-ri also revealed that almost half of the contestants were people she had worked with in the past, and she was happy to support them.
"I wanted to be in a position where I can support them a little [during the show]," she said. "And if I was the one in the spotlight before, I hoped those who've always worked hard behind the scenes could get some recognition, too."
The singer described the show as more than just a makeup competition.
"'Just Makeup' isn't just about doing makeup, it also captures life stories. It features moments of ups and downs like a drama that anyone can enjoy," Lee Hyo-ri said, expressing confidence in the new show.
"Just Makeup" will premiere on Coupang Play on Friday and will also be available on Prime Video a week later, on Oct. 10.

This article is by Lee Jae-lim and read by an artificial voice.

Korea's two major chipmakers, Samsung Electronics and SK hynix, will supply memory chips for OpenAI's $500 billion Stargate initiative, a massive effort to build next-generation data centers in the United States to meet surging demand driven by artificial intelligence.
The Stargate project, co-led by SoftBank and Oracle, is expected to require around 900,000 high-performance dynamic random access memory wafers each month to sustain AI data centers, according to OpenAI's forecasts.
Apart from Samsung Electronics, three other Samsung affiliates - Samsung SDS, Samsung C&T, and Samsung Heavy Industries - will contribute to data center design, construction and operations. Samsung SDS will serve as OpenAI's enterprise service partner, supporting domestic clients with the integration of AI models into business systems. Samsung C&T and Samsung Heavy Industries will focus on developing floating data centers - offshore facilities designed to cut cooling costs and reduce carbon emissions. Still in the research and development stage, these projects also include floating power generation systems and control centers.
The four Samsung units and SK hynix formalized their respective roles through a letter of intent with OpenAI, the companies confirmed Wednesday. Samsung Electronics Executive Chair Lee Jae-yong and SK Group Chairman Chey Tae-won met separately with OpenAI CEO Sam Altman for the signing. Altman was in Seoul for a meeting with President Lee Jae Myung, who has sought the CEO's input on the AI transformation, a central pledge of his campaign.

For SK, SK hynix will supply high bandwidth memory chips for OpenAI, while its mobile unit, SK Telecom, will co-build a data center in Korea's southwest region.
This marks Altman's second trip to Korea this year, following a February visit to announce OpenAI's partnership with Kakao, the country's dominant messenger operator. Since then, he has actively pursued deeper ties with Korean chipmakers to address ballooning data center requirements.
The global data center market is projected to grow from $386.7 billion in 2025 to more than $1 trillion by 2034, according to Precedence Research. The memory semiconductor segment is forecast to expand at an annual rate of 14 percent between 2024 and 2032, according to market tracker Dataintelo.
These partnerships have been driven by Samsung's Lee and SK's Chey. Lee personally spoke with Altman by phone to finalize the deal, while Chey met with him multiple times since 2023 to discuss AI inference chips and related infrastructure development. A closed-door meeting earlier this year at Samsung's headquarters in Seocho District, southern Seoul, brought together Altman, Lee, and SoftBank Group CEO Masayoshi Son.
OpenAI has been ramping up its presence in the country, launching OpenAI Korea, its local unit, in September. Altman is also expected to return later this month for the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit in Gyeongju, with reports suggesting other Big Tech chiefs such as Apple's Tim Cook and Nvidia's Jensen Huang may also attend.

This article is by Yoon Ji-won and read by an artificial voice.

President Lee Jae Myung on Wednesday pledged comprehensive government support for Korea's cultural content industry, vowing to help it evolve into a key pillar of the national economy.
"I will actively support our popular culture so that it can go beyond bringing laughter, emotion and empathy to people around the world, and become a core industry that will lead the future of the Korean economy," said Lee during the official launch ceremony of the Presidential Committee on Popular Culture Exchange, held at Kintex in Goyang, Gyeonggi, on Wednesday.
Wearing a traditional blue durumagi (Korean overcoat), Lee called the committee a "one-team platform that brings together the capabilities of multiple ministries and leverages the creativity and expertise of the private sector."
Lee emphasized the government's "arm's length principle" in cultural policy, saying, "The government will support without interfering, ensuring maximum autonomy on the ground."
The newly launched committee is a presidential advisory body co-chaired by Culture Minister Chae Hwi-young and JYP Entertainment founder Park Jin-young, who will both receive ministerial-level treatment in their roles.
"We are entering the era of Hallyu 4.0, where cultural exchange is happening in real time around the world," Lee said. "As [independence activist] Kim Gu once dreamed of a nation rich in culture, I hope Korea can lead global peace with the strength of our culture."

The committee also appointed 26 private sector members, including SM Entertainment CEO Jang Cheol-hyuk, HYBE CEO Lee Jae-sang and YG Entertainment CEO Yang Min-suk. These members will serve across seven subcommittees dedicated to pop music, gaming, webtoons and animation, film and video, lifestyle, investment and policy.
Before the ceremony, Lee toured a K-culture exhibition zone with Park, where they viewed merchandise and light sticks used by K-pop fans.
Pointing at a light stick, Lee quipped, "I saw a lot of these during last winter's impeachment rallies [against former President Yoon Suk Yeol]," to which Park responded, "Each group has its own color. These light sticks give fans a deep sense of belonging."
"It makes a huge difference to give signals with performance lighting, so that fans can change the lights in the audience and create a show, becoming part of the performance," Park explained. "Fans have come to realize that they are not mere objects but subjects."

Lee responded by saying, "It's fan sovereignty. There's a big difference between being treated as the owner and just a bystander."
The two then stopped at a photo wall showcasing highlights of K-pop's global success.
The launch ceremony was followed by performances by K-pop idol groups such as Stray Kids and Le Sserafim.
"K-pop is characterized by its fan-driven culture," Lee said on stage during the ceremony. "It's very similar to democracy. You could call it fan sovereignty," recalling his earlier conversation with Park.
Kim Hyun-ji, the newly appointed deputy presidential chief of staff, who was initially scheduled to attend the event, failed to appear. She has faced demands to appear before parliament amid allegations that she is Lee's shadowy power broker.
This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Kim Ji-ye and read by an artificial voice.

Actor Lee Chae-min had only one nerve-wracking month to prepare for his role as King Yi Heon for the recently ended tvN drama "Bon Appétit, Your Majesty" - which turned out to be a breakout hit that pushed him into stardom.
"With having a tight schedule, I had moments of doubt, wondering if I could really bring this character to life within the time," Lee admitted during a roundtable interview on Tuesday at a cafe in southern Seoul.
"But those doubts also pushed me to work even harder. I approached it, thinking to myself that since this role was given to me, I should give it my all and not let anyone down."
An adaptation of Park Guk-jae's web novel "Surviving as Yeonsangun's Chef" (2022-25), the series follows a modern-day French cuisine chef, Yeon Ji-young, played by Lim Yoon-a, who gets transported to the Joseon Dynasty (1392-1910). There, Ji-young encounters a tyrant King Yi Heon, who is known to have a sensitive taste palate.

The show wrapped on Sunday with a 17.1 percent viewership rating, according to Nielsen Korea on Monday - a notable feat in the saturated content landscape.
However, it got off to a rough start as actor Park Sung-hoon, who was initially slated to play King Yi Heon, dropped out due to an inappropriate social media post last year. Lee was brought in on short notice to replace him.
Despite Lee's initial concerns, the show ended as a standout success in his career, with many commenting that he was Yi Heon through and through - a compliment that Lee liked the most.
Also, one of the highlights of the show wasn't just the mouthwatering dishes, but watching King Yi Heon's priceless reactions, added with CGI effects, when tasting modern twists on traditional Korean royal cuisine.
For Lee, this often meant reacting to nothing at all, relying entirely on his imagination. One such scene hit him with a dose of reality: the moment he had to respond while eating haute cuisine made from deer meat.

"There was a scene where I stood alone in a reed field, imagining a huge deer passing by and smiling, after eating deer meat," said Lee. "Of course, there was no actual deer."
"I had to stretch my arms and laugh by myself with my shirt open in the field. It was really tough. Even though I usually manage to push through, I hit a few moments of reality and ended up blowing a few takes."
Despite feeling embarrassed, he said that the scene actually got the strongest response on set.
"Bon Appétit, Your Majesty" was directed by Chang Tae-you, who also helmed SBS hit drama "My Love from the Star" (2013-14). The show adds a comical touch through the characters' food reactions, intentionally portraying them in a cartoonish style.
To prepare, Lee said he studied everything from food-themed animations and mukbang videos to the Japanese drama "Solitary Gourmet" (2012-23), observing how characters' expressions change and how they react to delicious food.
As most of the dishes were for the King, Lee had the opportunity to taste every cuisine showcased on the show. He shared two favorites - one that he even took home with him.
"Every dish was truly good," he said. "But what stood out to me the most was beef bourguignonne made out of short ribs."

He added, "Also, I'm not normally into sweets, but the macaroons tasted way better than I expected. I remember bringing a few home after the shoot."
Regarding the ending of the show, where Yi Heon travels through time to the modern day, the show left it a secret how he arrived. He said that he recorded different versions, including one in which the Mangunrok - the book that brought Yeon Ji-young to the Joseon Dynasty - fell from the sky.
For Lee, he believes the power of love brought Yi Heon. "As the actor who played Yi Heon, Ji-young and my character had such an emotional connection. So I thought while acting that when they separated, the Mangunrok finally understood the power of their love," he said, adding that he is just happy...

This article is by Kim Ji-ye and read by an artificial voice.

Korea's hit love-matching program "EXchange" (2021-), which puts ex-lovers together to rekindle old flames or spark new ones, has returned for its fourth season. This time, the new season is said to be more real, fast-paced and unpredictable than any of its previous installments, according to the show's producer and panel.
"As the seasons have progressed, the cast members seem to have become more in tune with the environment and the show's overall concept," said comedian Lee Yong-jin, a panel member who provides commentary during the show, at a news conference held at Yongsan District, central Seoul, on Wednesday.
"In season four, viewers can see the cast's genuine, unguarded selves more than ever, as if they're living here without paying much attention to the cameras. It feels incredibly natural, and at times, it seems that they've almost forgotten they're being filmed."
He also stressed that the new season is "the most absorbing season yet" for viewers.
"EXchange" is a dating reality show where broken-up couples gather to either mend their relationships or find someone new. The new season is produced by Kim In-ha, who was also behind the third installment of the franchise.
The franchise, first aired in 2021, garnered major attention with its shocking concept of exes living together and seeing their once-loved ones find a new love. This led to boosting streaming platform Tving's paid subscribers. The previous third season saw a 50 percent increase in paid subscriber numbers contribution after its released, compared to season two.
The show also features a panel of commentators, consisting of comedian Lee, actor Kim Ye-won, Yura of Girl's Day, and rapper Simon Dominic.
The panel members, who have all participated since the first season, said that the overall pace of the new season was faster and unfolded unpredictably than any other season.
"I was honestly surprised by how fast-paced it was," Yura said. "The story also unfolds in ways we didn't quite expect. Since this is the fourth season, we were all a bit confident in guessing how the show might unfold, but everything played out differently than we expected."

One of the entertainment factors of the program is guessing who is whose ex. However, Yura shared that there is a particular couple that no one will be able to guess - a point actor Kim also agreed with.
"There was a person who made me even yell," she said, adding that only a small percentage of the viewers will be able to guess correctly. "The ex-couple pairing didn't make any sense. It was a match that I could never have imagined."
In the upcoming season, a new element is introduced: the Time Room, a device similar to the red thread mechanism from the previous season.
"In the previous season, we explored the cast's thoughts through a thread, but this season, we wanted to express it through time," producer Kim said. "In the Time Room, we represent the cast members' initial feelings about whether to reunite with their ex or find new love."
"We introduced the new mechanism to not limit their decision simply to a yes or no on whether to reunite or move on, but to show percentages instead."
Comedian Lee also praised the cast, calling them the most attractive yet. Producer Kim also revealed that her team met with over 1,000 potential cast members before the show and feels like they DMed everybody all across the country.
"First, I want to apologize to the cast of previous seasons and say that the cast of season four is the most charming of them all," Lee said.
The franchise's soundtracks have also been very popular, including singer Woodz's "Sun or Suck" (2021). Producer Kim said viewers should look forward to the new season's soundtrack, teasing its tracklist.
"We put a lot of effort into our soundtrack lineup," the producer said. "A wide range of artists participated, including Yura, Suzy, NCT's Doyoung, Riize's Sohee, BoyNextDoor and Monsta X's Shownu."
Th...

This article is by Jeong Hye-jeong and read by an artificial voice.

HYBE chairman Bang Si-hyuk, currently under police investigation for allegedly misinforming investors to make a personal gain of almost 200 billion won ($142 million), has been banned from leaving the country.
The Seoul Metropolitan Police Agency's Financial Crimes Investigation Division placed an overseas travel ban on Bang, who is under investigation for violating the Financial Investment Services and Capital Markets Act, police confirmed Wednesday. The timing of the restriction and further details were not disclosed.
Bang is accused of misleading existing HYBE investors, including venture capital firms, in 2019 by falsely claiming that the company had no plans to go public. He then allegedly arranged for a special purpose company (SPC), created by a private equity fund set up by HYBE executives, to buy out those investors' shares.
Believing there were no initial public offering (IPO) plans, the investors sold their holdings - but in reality, HYBE was already preparing for an IPO at the time, according to allegations.
Following the IPO process, the SPC sold the acquired shares. Bang reportedly received 30 percent of the profits under a confidential, prearranged deal with the SPC, ultimately pocketing around 190 billion won.
On June 30, police raided the Korea Exchange in Yeongdeungpo District, Western Seoul, and secured documents related to HYBE's IPO review. On July 24, they also searched HYBE's headquarters in Yongsan District, central Seoul.
Bang was questioned twice as a suspect, on Sept. 15 and again on Sept. 22.
Bang's legal team maintains that all laws and regulations were followed during the company's IPO process and that there are no legal issues.
This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.