This article is by Michael Lee and read by an artificial voice.

Former Labor Minister Kim Moon-soo won the conservative People Power Party's (PPP) presidential nomination on Saturday, besting former party leader Han Dong-hoon.
Kim won with 56.53 percent of support against Han's 43.47 percent.
Kim's nomination was decided through a combination of voting by party members and public opinion polling during the second round of PPP primaries conducted between Thursday and Friday.
Voting and polling were weighed evenly in deciding Kim and Han's ratings.
As the final two candidates in what was originally a four-way nomination race, Kim and Han offered starkly different views on former President Yoon Suk Yeol's removal from office early last month and how the party should proceed in the June 3 presidential election.
Kim gained support from conservatives by refusing to apologize for Yoon's martial law decree in December last year and opposing his impeachment.
He has also expressed willingness to join forces with former Prime Minister Han Duck-soo, who declared his own independent presidential bid on Friday after resigning the previous day.

In his acceptance speech, Kim reiterated that view.
"I will create a strong alliance with whatever force there may be to stop a Democratic Party government led by Lee Jae-myung from coming into office," he said.
Han Dong-hoon, on the other hand, expressed strong disapproval of the decree and supported Yoon's removal from office.
The ex-PPP leader said it would be unfair for the former prime minister to serve as the conservative flag-bearer after not participating in the PPP's primaries.
Nonetheless, former Prime Minister Han has led conservative candidates in recent public opinion surveys, recording 12 to 13 percent against the others' single-digit ratings.
But he still falls far short of Lee, who has regularly received over 40 percent support in polls conducted since Yoon was ousted.
Lee's dominance in the polls has led conservatives to ponder fielding a single candidate from among Han or their nominee.
In his remarks on Saturday, Kim said he would support such a move and "proceed in such a way that the public and PPP members can understand."

This article is by Shin Ha-nee and read by an artificial voice.

Korea's most-celebrated screen stars - including IU, Park Bo-gum and Lee Byung-hun - will vie for top spots in the upcoming 61st Baeksang Arts Awards, set to take place on Monday.
The annual awards ceremony will take place at Coex in southern Seoul at 8 p.m. and will be broadcast live on cable channels JTBC, JTBC2 and JTBC4.
The Korea JoongAng Daily will cover the ceremony live starting at 5 p.m., Monday.

Launched in 1965, the Baeksang Arts Awards are one of the three most prestigious screen accolades in Korea, alongside the Daejong International Film Awards and the Blue Dragon Film Awards. The Baeksang Arts Awards recognize excellence in film, broadcasting and theater in Korea.
The ceremony's organizing committee renamed its previous television category to broadcasting starting this year to better embrace a larger range of platforms including websites and mobile streaming services, further expanding its scope beyond simple cable or terrestrial TV channels amid a rapidly changing media landscape.
Leading this year's nominations is Netflix's original series, "When Life Gives You Tangerines," which has been nominated for a whopping eight awards.

This article is by Michael Lee and read by an artificial voice.

North Korea on Saturday denounced a recent U.S. missile defense exercise in Alaska, characterizing the drill as a provocative move that reflects Washington's growing readiness for nuclear conflict with Pyongyang.
In a statement carried by the state-run Korean Central News Agency (KCNA), an unnamed North Korean military official criticized the simulated interception of an intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) at Fort Greely, Alaska, calling it "an aggressive military action" aimed at the North.
"The fact that our strategic weapons were designated as targets shows that the United States has effectively embraced a policy of preemptive nuclear attack against our country," the statement said, adding that "there would be no reason" for the North's nuclear forces to target the U.S. mainland "if the United States has no intent to engage in nuclear war."
The author also condemned recent U.S. moves in South Korea, including plans to permanently deploy advanced F-35A stealth fighter jets at Kunsan Air Base and consolidate F-16 fighter operations at Osan Air Base.
Pyongyang described these proposals as efforts to upgrade Washington's first-strike capabilities on the Korean Peninsula.
"These are not merely symbolic actions," the author said, arguing that the United States is entering "the operational phase of a nuclear preemptive strike strategy."
The Alaska drill, first reported by Newsweek, took place on April 29 and reportedly involved a command post exercise that involved a simulation of a North Korean missile launch. U.S. Army Secretary Daniel Driscoll was present for the drill.
North Korea has issued increasingly forceful rhetoric in recent months as joint military activities between the United States and South Korea have expanded.
Pyongyang claims such exercises are preparations for invasion, while Washington and Seoul describe them as defensive in nature.

This article is by Yoon Seung-jin and read by an artificial voice.

With the long-awaited four-day "golden vacation" period from May 3 to May 6 approaching, both locals and foreign nationals in Korea are gearing up for a well-deserved break from the daily grind.
While hailing a taxi, finding a good restaurant and ordering delivery food is intuitive for Korean speakers, it can be a hassle for people unfamiliar with the process and language.
For those planning to explore new places or simply looking to make the most of the holiday, The Korea JoongAng Daily has compiled a list of helpful apps that may help tackle some common hassles.

Catch Table Global
Anyone who has ever been disappointed to find a restaurant fully booked upon arrival will appreciate Catch Table Global. This app allows users to reserve seats in advance.
Restaurants that are notoriously difficult to book are often featured on this app, giving users a higher chance of securing a spot compared to walk-in diners. Many of the restaurants available on Catch Table Global accept reservations exclusively through the app.
Users can also browse restaurant reviews left by previous diners to help make informed decisions. The app also allows users to make reservations on their desired date or join a waitlist if it is already booked up. By enabling notifications, users can get a second chance should a spot open up.

Shuttle Delivery
For those looking to avoid the hustle and bustle of tourist attractions and enjoy a quiet meal at home, food delivery is often the perfect solution. While Korea is famous for its food delivery scene, there can be several obstacles, with most other delivery apps requiring a Korean phone number and a local personal identification number.
Created by expats Jason Boutte and Mark Boesch, Shuttle Delivery is designed to tackle such issues. The app offers detailed English descriptions and has more payment options without requiring an alien registration card.
Shuttle Delivery also allows expats to enjoy more varied food categories, by offering meal options including Halal, Turkish, European and vegan.
Shuttle Delivery provides customer service in English and supports various payment methods, including PayPal and cryptocurrency. Available in areas with concentrated foreign populations like Seoul, Osan, Pyeongtaek, Daegu and Busan, Shuttle Delivery connects users with unique restaurants in multicultural neighborhoods like Haebangchon and Itaewon, places not typically featured on other delivery platforms.

k.ride
For those who struggle to hail a taxi in Korea, k.ride may be a helpful ride-hailing service. Operated by Kakao Mobility, this app is designed for foreigners, offering features like live translation, multiple language support and interntional payment options, while other domestic apps like Kakao Taxi require a Korean phone number for certain features and lack payment options.
Travelers can easily set their destination, find an available taxi nearby and pay using a preregistered method, eliminating the risk of surge pricing. The app is available in four languages - English, Simplified and Traditional Chinese and Japanese - and features an automatic translation function in over 100 languages. This allows users to search for destinations in their native language and communicate with drivers spontaneously.
Signing up is easy, with options to register using a phone number, Google or Apple account, or email. The app is among those for transportation that support international payment methods.

T locker and Lugstay
Traveling with luggage can be a hassle, but these two apps can help make your journey much smoother.
T locker, operated by Seoul Metro, offers luggage storage services at over 330 locations across 269 subway stations, with a total of about 5,511 lockers. Users can check the availability of lockers in advance, book and pay through the app. Prices range from about 3,000 won ($2.09) to 12,000 won for four hours of use, depending on the size, wit...

This article is by Shin Ha-nee, Kim Ji-ye and read by an artificial voice.

[EXPLAINER]
It's that time of the year again: The Baeksang Arts Awards - sometimes dubbed "Korea's Golden Globes" - has returned, with a star-studded lineup of nominees, including IU, Park Bo-gum, Lee Byung-hun and Kim Tae-ri.
Beyond the seemingly ever-growing glitz and glamor, few may be aware of the tumultuous journey Korea's entertainment industry has weathered over recent years amid a broader reshaping of the media landscape. This has inevitably left some in the industry behind, with the Daejong International Film Awards, once-called "Korea's Oscars," fading to near obscurity.
So, there's perhaps no better time than now to ask: What is a Baeksang, exactly? How does it compare to the Blue Dragon Film Awards, or even the actual Golden Globes? And how did Korea's top three honors dwindle down to only two?

Oh, and one more question: why didn't Bong Joon-ho's "Mickey 17" bag a single nomination?
If you are a K-drama or K-film enthusiast rooting for your favorite screen stars, here is a breakdown of what you need to know before tuning into this year's Baeksang Arts Awards.

What are Korea's 'big three' film honors?
The nation's film industry has had three prestigious film awards events for more than a decade now: the Daejong International Film Awards, the Blue Dragon Film Awards and the Baeksang Arts Awards.
The oldest among these, the Daejong International Film Awards, has been traditionally organized by the Motion Picture Association of Korea since 1962.
However, a combination of dwindling relevance, a shrinking number of guests showing up to the ceremony, constant controversy over the event's integrity since the 1990s and administrative fallouts have led to the host organization being declared bankrupt last year. The ceremony, which is typically held at the end of the year, did not take place in 2024.
Daejong's trademark rights were subsequently sold at 660 million won ($464,422) to the Korea Movie Production Association. Yet, hopes for revival continue to face uncertainty, as seven industry organizations, including the awards' original host, the Motion Picture Association of Korea, issued a joint statement decrying what it described as "exerting monetary influence over the Daejong awards."

Blue Dragon continues to fly
That leaves us with the two remaining honors.
Launched in 1963, the Blue Dragon Film Awards, as its name suggests, recognizes achievements in the film industry. But the awards went through a long hiatus for nearly two decades due to an industry-wide slump from 1973. The event later resumed in 1990 with Sports Chosun, a sports and entertainment media outlet, remaining the organizer since then.
While Daejong has been grappling with persisting scandals over its "unfair" evaluation standards, the Blue Dragon Film Awards largely avoided such criticism. While the ceremony is still considered to be placing significant weight on commercial success, its winners have been relatively more diverse than those of the Daejong awards. The Blue Dragon also discloses details of the jury panels' assessment for each category every year, and the names of recipients are famously engraved on the trophies during the ceremony to prevent any leaks.
Especially with actor Kim Hye-soo becoming a constant presence for the Blue Dragon brand as a host for 30 years since 1993, the ceremony has solidified its position as arguably the most prestigious film awards ceremony, eclipsing its older counterpart.
Winners of the Blue Dragon Film Awards are decided by eight judges and a single vote that represents online popularity polls, with the contender that earns the majority named the winner.

How is Baeksang different?
On the other hand, the Baeksang Arts Awards, launched in 1965, celebrates achievements on both the big and small screens, as well as in theater. It is frequently compared to the Golden Globe Awards.
However, unlike the Golden Globe Awards, where journali...

This article is by Park Eun-jee and read by an artificial voice.

[NEWS ANALYSIS]
In the absence of a president, both Korea's prime minister, who recently held a phone call with U.S. President Donald Trump, and finance minister, tasked with handling currency issues, have stepped down, throwing ongoing tariff negotiations into turmoil.
The unprecedented leadership vacuum until the June 3 presidential election has put Minister of Trade, Industry and Energy Ahn Duk-geun and acting President and Education Minister Lee Ju-ho at the forefront of the tariff talks that initiated last month.
Experts predict that the Korean government will try to buy time until the new president takes office, although the United States is pushing hard to get the deal done as soon as possible.
Former Prime Minister Han Duck-soo, who has solid experience in trade negotiations, stepped down on Thursday to run for president while former Finance Minister Choi Sang-mok, who had been developing a rapport with U.S. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent, resigned the same day following the Democratic Party's attempt to impeach him.
Divided over pace

Differing positions on the pace of negotiations were evident from the beginning. The Korean government said that it aims to seal the deal, dubbed the July Package, which was stated as July 8, the day that the 90-day tariff grace period ends.
But the U.S. tone contrasts Korea's assurance that the next administration will decide the outcome of trade talks.
"They are actually much more keen to come to the table, get this done and then go home and campaign on it," Bessent said Tuesday, speaking of allies including Korea and Japan.
"We have neither conveyed nor discussed any intention to finalize the framework of negotiations with the United States before the presidential election and then move on to campaigning," the Ministry of Economy and Finance said in a statement in response to the comment.
With more key leaders departing, experts say that a stalling strategy may kick in.
"The remaining leaders will likely opt for a managed approach instead of making a definitive decision," said a source in the trade industry.
Standard & Poor's Global Ratings (S&P) acknowledged that the domestic political turmoil sparked by former President Yoon Suk Yeol's short-lived declaration of martial law undermines stability but didn't significantly harm the economy's credibility.
"The unexpected declaration of martial law in the country early in December 2024 hurt confidence in political stability, in our view," S&P said in a statement.
Currency pressure
As the United States proposed adding currency policy to the list of negotiation areas, the absence of a finance minister could further delay related discussion.
Choi said that the Bessent suggested that currency be dealt with separately between Korea's Ministry of Economy and Finance and the U.S. Treasury Department.

Following Choi's departure, First Vice Minister of Economy and Finance Kim Beom-seok will take over as acting Finance Minister, although many predict that the acting role will be limited to handling minor matters.
"The Trump administration is expressing dissatisfaction not only with tariffs, but also with nontariff barriers - particularly what it sees as the devaluation of major currencies, which in turn leads to an overvalued U.S. dollar," said Park Sang-hyun, a researcher at iM Securities.
"The administration's decision to spotlight exchange rate issues is seen as an attempt to use currency appreciation pressure as an additional trade negotiating tool," the researcher said.
The won-dollar currency gyrated on Friday following the resignations of key leaders.
The won sharply depreciated against the dollar to 1,440 won in the early trading but reversed to close at 1,405.3 won, marking the lowest level since Dec. 3.
Finance-related government agencies vowed to stay vigilant on Friday to ensure the stability of the currency market.

This article is by Shin Ha-nee and read by an artificial voice.

We already had a pretty good idea of what to expect - with a flurry of teasers flooding our timelines - from Maroon 5 and Lisa's much-anticipated collaboration, "Priceless," which finally dropped on Friday. And, well, let's be honest: It'd be a surprise if anyone's surprised by what they hear.
But what you see might stop you in your tracks: The K-pop star goes full "Mr. & Mrs. Smith (2005)" alongside Adam Levine in the sultry, action film-inspired music video that adds a cinematic spice to the whole thing.
"Priceless," the prerelease for Maroon 5's upcoming eighth studio album, marks the band's first drop since "Middle Ground" (2023) and its first-ever collaboration with a K-pop singer. While the release date for Maroon 5's upcoming studio album is still to be announced, it's expected to come this summer, followed by a world tour.

The song hardly feels like a first of anything. The song is, as expected, classic Maroon 5: a breezy, radio-ready pop-rock track that is easy to listen to, and maybe casually vibe with. Set against groovy snares and crisp hi-hats - again, as expected - the tune flows smoothly with no sharp turns, dramatic drops or jaw-dropping surprises.
The familiar sounds are reminiscent of the band's previous hits like "Girls Like You (2017)," or "Sugar (2014)," and, if we look to more recent releases, definitely "Beautiful Mistakes (2021)," featuring Megan Thee Stallion.
Enter Lisa - the Blackpink singer and rapper who has been steadily building her solo career, racking up a seemingly ever-growing list of global pop collaborations.
Lisa recently wrapped up her third appearance at the Coachella music festival, which took place on April 11 and 18 in California. Blackpink recently made history as the first K-pop girl group to perform on a Coachella stage in 2019 and returned as a headliner in 2023; this year marked Lisa's first appearance as a solo artist at one of the world's biggest gatherings.

The star brings her signature flair to this unmistakably Maroon 5-ish track, slipping into the second verse with a melodic rap and airy vocals with a flair that even casual listeners will immediately recognize from previous releases like "Moonlit Floor."
Again, there's nothing musically groundbreaking here - the song's probably best described as two acts delivering what they are expected to deliver.
But as with any good pop release, and especially K-pop songs, the track is only complete with fitting visuals. Lisa's presence is much more pronounced in the music video, which thousands of fans eagerly awaited ahead of its release at 1 p.m. on Friday.

In the music video, directed by Aerin Moreno, Levine plays what's presumably a secret agent or assassin - or whatever similar deadly profession from the shadowy underworld - appearing to speak with his sidekick on a phone, who promises to send the "visual confirmation" of his mark in the next 10 minutes.
The mark is none other than Lisa, with whom Levine was exchanging smoldering glances a moment before.
Lisa's a teasing menace, a femme fatal assassin adorned in a skintight snake-patterned dress. After a few impressive somersaults in what appears to be a sleek skyscraper, the duo launches into an intense fight scene set against the night cityscape seen through floor-to-ceiling windows.

In the dark office-like space, the two violently go at each other until, for some mysterious reason, decide: Meh, why not just waltz instead?
Confusion with the ending aside, one thing's for sure: It's pretty fun to watch. It leans into cliché, sure, but it is enjoyable to see the couple's budding romance suddenly take a turn to a deadly showdown and then bounce back, especially with a close-up scene where Lisa and Levine tenderly caress each other before she slaps him out of nowhere. In the world of pop, where it's often better to be bad than boring, the music video offers some playful flair that the track alone might have left...

This article is by Park Young-woo and read by an artificial voice.

Daemyung Sono Group will sell its entire 22 percent stake in budget airline Air Premia for 199 billion won ($139 million) as it refocuses on managing T'way Air, which it recently acquired.
Daemyung Sono Group said Friday that Sono International, which held the Air Premia shares jointly with private equity firm JC Partners, had signed a sales agreement with tire distributor Tire Bank. While Sono International and JC Partners previously held call and put options, respectively, both parties agreed to suspend execution of those rights and proceed with the sale.
Focusing on T'way Air's long-haul capabilities
Industry watchers had expected Daemyung Sono Group to acquire Air Premia alongside T'way Air to strengthen its mid- to long-haul low-cost flight operations. However, the company reportedly decided to scrap the plan after concluding that T'way Air was capable of operating long-haul routes independently.
T'way Air is preparing to launch a new route to Vancouver, Canada, in July, following the addition of European routes transferred from Korean Air and Asiana Airlines. The carrier currently operates the largest number of long-haul routes among domestic low-cost carriers (LCCs) and also owns the most aircraft suitable for long-distance service.
As of May, T'way Air operates 11 long-haul aircraft: four A330-300s, six A330-200s and one B777-300ER. Four more long-haul aircraft are expected to be added within the year.

Name change and board reshuffle planned
Daemyung Sono Group also plans to change T'way Air's corporate name as part of its full-scale management involvement. The group has filed trademark applications with the Korean Intellectual Property Office for names such as "Sono Air," "Sono Airline" and "Sono Airways."
An extraordinary general meeting of shareholders is scheduled for May 23 to finalize these changes. Daemyung Sono Group will again propose the appointment of new board members.
Daemyung Sono recommended nine candidates for the new board of directors, including the group's chairman, Seo Joon-hyuk, the Chosun Ilbo reported in January. However, the move was blocked due to the Fair Trade Commission's pending approval of the merger with T'way Air.
The FTC has asked Daemyung Sono Group to submit additional documentation for its merger review. The process must be completed within 90 days of the filing.
"This strategic sale of Air Premia shares will allow us to build a more stable and structured management system centered on T'way Air," Sono International said in a statement. "We aim to achieve sustainable and solid growth amid the fast-changing aviation industry."
Translated from the JoongAng Ilbo using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff.

This article is by Bae Jae-sung and read by an artificial voice.

Albamon, Korea's major part-time job platform, said Friday that hackers breached its system and accessed personal information tied to more than 22,000 resume entries.
The company issued a notice on its website apologizing for the incident and acknowledging the data leak. It said it detected unusual system access on Wednesday and responded immediately. During its response, the company discovered unauthorized activity on its "Resume Preview" page.
Albamon said it blocked the account and IP address linked to the breach and is currently repelling similar attacks. Still, the company confirmed that some personal information was compromised.
In total, 22,473 resume entries were affected. The leaked data includes names, mobile phone numbers and email addresses, the company said.
Albamon reported the breach to the Korea Internet & Security Agency (KISA) and other relevant authorities and is conducting a joint investigation to determine the origin of the attack. It said it will issue an update once the investigation concludes.
"We are currently preparing compensation measures, and details on the payment schedule and application process will be provided soon via email and text message," the company said.
The breach comes amid ongoing scrutiny over data security in Korea, following a separate leak at SK Telecom.
Translated from the JoongAng Ilbo using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff.

This article is by Bae Jae-sung and read by an artificial voice.

Theborn Korea, the F&B company led by celebrity chef and businessman Paik Jong-won, will inject 5 billion won ($3.52 million) to support its franchisees as part of efforts to promote mutual growth with partners.
Theborn Korea announced Thursday a set of relief measures that include waiving all franchise royalties for three months across its affiliated brands.
A company-funded promotional campaign will also be launched throughout May to drive customer traffic and boost sales. The headquarters will fully cover the costs, meaning franchisees will not bear any of the expenses.
In addition, the company plans to offer special discounts on core food ingredients this month.
Paik is also scheduled to hold in-person meetings with franchisees across different regions later this month. He will personally visit stores to listen to concerns on the ground and work with operators to seek realistic solutions.
The company said it hopes the gatherings will serve as a chance to further strengthen the trust and partnership built over the years between the headquarters and its franchisees.
Theborn Korea is currently under scrutiny from regulatory authorities following a series of controversies related to product labeling and promotional claims.
In one case, the Seocho Police Precinct in southern Seoul is investigating potential violations of the Act on Fair Labeling and Advertising after warning labels referring to industrial-grade metal cookware were used.
Separately, an advertisement for a porridge-based product known as deopjuk has drawn attention from the Gangnam District Office, which has requested a police investigation. The company advertised that the shrimp in the product was caught in the wild, when it was allegedly farmed.
"This new support plan focuses on listening to the voices from the field and alleviating the real-world challenges faced by our franchisees," a company spokesperson said.
Translated from the JoongAng Ilbo using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff.

This article is by Michael Lee and read by an artificial voice.

Following former President Yoon Suk Yeol's removal from office by the Constitutional Court on April 4, prosecutors have stepped up their investigation into allegations that he relied on a shaman named Geon Jin for advice during his 2022 election campaign and afterward.
However, the exact nature of the shaman's ties to Yoon and other politicians remains shrouded in mystery.
The 65-year-old Geon Jin - whose legal name is Jeon Seong-bae - is a member of the Ilgwang Jogye Order, an offshoot of Korea's largest stream of Buddhism, the Jogye Order.
The Ilgwang sect is believed to have been founded by the monk Hye Woo, who was expelled from the Jogye Order after quarreling with other members.
According to domestic media reports, Jeon regards Hye Woo as his mentor.
As scrutiny into the Ilgwang sect mounted during Yoon's impeachment process, Hye Woo vanished from public view, leading to speculation that he is trying to avoid questioning by prosecutors over his ties to Jeon and the now-ousted president.
Prosecutors suspect that Jeon was involved in Yoon's presidential campaign before his election in March 2022.
Jeon allegedly also served as an adviser at the conservative People Power Party's (PPP) campaign headquarters in the lead-up to the election.
According to multiple reports, Jeon boasted of his personal ties to Yoon and former first lady Kim Keon Hee to those seeking access to the couple.
In January 2022, reports surfaced that a construction firm that sponsored exhibitions run by Kim's company, Kovana Contents, also donated 100 million won ($70,400) to a foundation owned by Jeon in 2017.
Hyolim H.F., a company that was run by former PPP lawmaker Han Moo-kyung until 2020, also made a donation to Jeon's foundation in 2017.

Jeon was detained by prosecutors last December over suspicions that the bequests to his foundation were actually illegal political contributions.
Myung Tae-kyun, a self-proclaimed power broker with ties to the first couple, also mentioned Jeon in a recording of a conversation with an acquaintance over the phone in July 2022.
In the tape, Myung can be heard saying that Jeon helped an unspecified candidate for office get on the PPP's ticket.
Prosecutors have also questioned Jeon regarding allegations that he was tasked by a former Unification Church figure with delivering a diamond necklace worth 60 million won to the former first lady.

According to domestic media reports, Jeon told prosecutors that he intended to deliver the necklace to Kim but "lost it" before he could give it to her.
Law enforcement are also investigating how Jeon came to be in possession of 50 million won in banknotes issued just three days after Yoon's inauguration.
The cash was still sealed inside plastic bundles used by the Bank of Korea at the time of its discovery by prosecutors who raided a hiding place used by Jeon in December.
A bank official later said such bundles are only delivered to commercial banks and should not be in the possession of an individual.

This article is by Baek Jong-hyun and read by an artificial voice.

The Golden Week holiday is finally starting from Saturday, drawing a wave of travelers across Korea, lifting the spirits of the tourism industry. From Saturday to Tuesday - spanning Children's Day and a substitute holiday for Buddha's Birthday - domestic travel demand has nearly doubled from the same period last year, according to the travel platform Trip.com.
Theme parks and resorts nationwide have responded with a flurry of events aimed at families. Many are offering seasonal programs and special performances designed for children, capitalizing on what has become one of the busiest weekends of the year.
Pikachu parades and baseball at the parks
Major theme parks like Lotte World and Everland expect heavy foot traffic, with long lines forming early in the day. Wait times for rides are expected to stretch 10 to 20 minutes longer than usual, though many visitors are drawn by seasonal festivities rather than attractions alone.

Lotte World in Jamsil, southern Seoul, is continuing its spring festival, "Pokémon World Adventure," through May 25. The park features Pokémon-themed installations, photo zones and merchandise shops. The highlight is a Pikachu parade, held three times a day at 11:30 a.m., 3 p.m. and 5:30 p.m., with eight characters featuring in the popular "Pokémon" series performing choreographed dances. Popular photo spots include a themed hot-air balloon and a 3.5-meter-tall Snorlax balloon.
Everland has partnered with the KBO to launch a special event. From May 3 to 6, the park will livestream professional baseball games on an 11-meter outdoor screen at its Four Seasons Garden. The first 150 visitors wearing team jerseys each day will receive cheering towels. The neighboring Holland Village has been hosting the "European Beer Market" since Thursday.

Meanwhile, Legoland Korea Resort in Chuncheon, Gangwon, is launching its "Lego Festival" from Saturday to June 14. Part of a global celebration across Legoland parks, the festival is being held exclusively in Korea among Asian locations. The event will include Lego play zones, DJ performances and dance parties.
A quieter holiday at the resorts
For those seeking a break from the crowds, resorts across the country are offering relaxing alternatives with family-oriented programs.

Phoenix Park in Pyeongchang, Gangwon, will host nighttime parties for children in its indoor theme space, "Sangsang Playground." The air bounce area will be open for play, with a DJ performance scheduled on Sunday. A lucky draw will also take place with various prizes.
On Saturday, the resort's lawn plaza will stage a family sports day featuring traditional games such as jegichagi (shuttlecock kicking), group jump rope and limbo. Winners will receive vouchers for accommodation, water park passes or breakfast coupons.
Kensington Resort Seorak Beach in Goseong, Gangwon, will hold a drawing contest and essay competition for children from Saturday to Monday in its outdoor pine garden. The contests will be limited to 30 participants per day on a first come, first served basis, with prizes such as stuffed animals, key chains and bags. Participants in the drawing contest will receive a canvas, markers, a picnic mat and bubbles. The drawing contest has a 9,900 won ($6.80) entry fee while the essay competition is free.

Paraspara Seoul, located near the foot of Bukhansan Mountain in Gangbuk District, northern Seoul, will host a "Family Game Show" with music quizzes, tic-tac-toe games, team challenges and reaction-based games. The winning family will receive a dining voucher for the resort's restaurant, Park 689. On Sunday, a forest guide will lead a nature exploration program for families.
As the golden holiday weekend unfolds, families across Korea are choosing between lively festivities and restful retreats - all in search of meaningful time together and lasting memories.

This article is by Oh Hyun-seok, Kim Na-han, Ha Jun-ho and read by an artificial voice.

Acting President Han Duck-soo accepted the resignation of Minister of Economy and Finance Choi Sang-mok late Thursday, just as the Democratic Party (DP) moved to unilaterally force an impeachment motion against Choi.
The resignation came minutes after the DP altered the legislative schedule to introduce the impeachment motion. Lawmakers had passed the government's supplementary budget at 10:28 p.m. in the National Assembly in western Seoul, and Choi submitted his resignation shortly afterward.
Han had handed in his resignation from his post as prime minister and acting president, earlier on Thursday, to pursue a presidential bid. Choi had been expected to step into the role of acting president, but with his departure, the responsibility now falls to Education Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Lee Ju-ho.
The DP launched the impeachment effort just hours after the Supreme Court overturned the lower court's acquittal of DP presidential candidate Lee Jae-myung in a public election law case at 3:25 p.m. The top court sent the case back with instructions to convict.
DP floor leader Park Chan-dae convened an emergency caucus at 5 p.m., decrying the sequence of events.
"At 3 p.m. the Supreme Court issued a remand decision, and at 4 p.m., Han resigned, effectively declaring his presidential candidacy - what kind of prearranged game is this?" he said. "It is infuriating that the judiciary, which should uphold justice, is engaging in politics," he added, calling the situation a "coup that will ultimately fail."

During the closed-door session, DP Supreme Council member Kim Min-seok and others proposed moving forward with Choi's impeachment. The DP had filed the motion on March 21, referred it to the Legislation and Judiciary Committee on April 4, and held a hearing on April 16. The report on the investigation awaited adoption.
A participant at the DP Supreme Council meeting noted that impeachment proceedings had paused after Choi ceased serving as acting president between Dec. 27 and March 24.
"Since Choi would no longer be acting president after stepping down, the impeachment process had been suspended," the source said. But with Han's resignation, Choi appeared poised to become acting president again - prompting a renewed push.
"The sequence - the Supreme Court ruling at 3 p.m., Han's resignation at 4 p.m. - seemed like collusion, and the idea was to break that chain," another participant said.
Kim Min-seok took to Facebook during the caucus, asking, "Did [Supreme Court Chief Justice] Jo Hee-de and Han coordinate a staged presidential bid?" He added that impeachment was necessary to prevent "politicization of the judiciary" and safeguard national interests in upcoming trade negotiations.

When the caucus adjourned at 6:15 p.m., most DP lawmakers remained silent. Still, top party figures including Park and Kim convened in the party leader's office to finalize a plan: adopt the Judiciary Committee's pending impeachment report, bring it to the floor alongside the budget bill and modify the legislative agenda to introduce the impeachment motion.
The DP presented the plan to a reconvened caucus at 7:50 p.m. Despite internal opposition, the Judiciary Committee met, and DP lawmaker Kim Yong-min also filed an impeachment motion against Prosecutor General Shim Woo-jung, heightening tensions.
People Power Party (PPP) lawmakers vocally opposed the move.
"Are you out of your minds?" shouted Rep. Kwak Kyu-taek.
"Is Korean politics full of gangsters?" asked Rep. Yoo Sang-bum.
Nevertheless, DP Committee Chair Jung Chung-rae closed the debate and passed the motion with only DP lawmakers present.

At 10:26 p.m., following the supplementary budget's passage, the DP introduced the motion to amend the legislative agenda and proceeded with the impeachment motion. Choi exited the chamber and submitted his resignation at 10:28 p.m.
PPP lawmakers crowded the podium, s...

The author is the leader of the Parents team at the JoongAng Ilbo.
More and more people are choosing to open their wallets for one thing: growth hormone injections - direct administration of synthetic hormones aimed at increasing height. According to data from the Health Insurance Review and Assessment Service, the number of individuals prescribed growth hormone treatments rose from 12,500 in 2020 to 34,881 last year - a 2.8-fold increase. And even that figure is only the tip of the iceberg: It accounts only for patients receiving coverage for medically diagnosed growth hormone deficiencies. In fact, during last year's National Assembly audit of the Health and Welfare Committee, lawmakers found that roughly 97 percent of growth hormone prescriptions in 2023 were not covered by insurance - effectively prescribed as "height enhancement drugs."

There is a reason the market has expanded. The effects are visible and side effects are minimal. Specialists interviewed during reporting acknowledged that while studies remain limited for patients without diagnosed conditions, the results are hard to ignore. "In idiopathic short stature cases - children who are simply short without any known medical cause - two years of treatment typically leads to an average height increase of 5 centimeters [2 inches]," one doctor said. Growth hormone does not stay in the body long and does not accumulate, meaning adverse effects are rare and, when they do occur, are usually reversible upon stopping treatment.
Ultimately, the decision to undergo growth hormone injections comes down to two questions: Can I afford 20 million won ($14,000) for two years of treatment? And is 5 centimeters of height worth 20 million won? The first is a personal matter; the second is deeply social. It touches on the perceived value of "average." Most children receiving the injections are shorter than average - or have shorter-than-average parents - and are brought to the hospital in hopes of catching up. Parents interviewed for this story often said things like, "We just wanted our child to reach the average," or "They've now grown a little taller than average."
But is the average really worth that much? Todd Rose, a former professor at Harvard's Graduate School of Education and author of "The End of Average," argues that the very concept of "average" is a fiction. This is not a moral stance - it's a practical one. In the 1940s, a spate of U.S. Air Force accidents was eventually traced to cockpit designs based on the average body measurements of 4,000 pilots. Not one of them actually matched that average. The result was widespread dysfunction.
Even so, average mattered in an era of standardization and mass production. But that era is behind us. We now live in the age of personalization - an era made possible by technology. Google seems to know what we want before we do, serving us eerily accurate ads. Netflix curates content so tailored to our tastes that it can feel unsettling. This is why Rose champions so-called "dark horses" - individuals who succeed not despite their atypical paths, but because of them.

Still, personal decisions are often shaped by social pressures. In a society obsessed with averages, how well will children raised under such pressures navigate an age that prizes individuality? As a member of the older generation - and as a parent - that question cuts deeply.
Translated from the JoongAng Ilbo using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff.

Michael Green
The author is the CEO of the U.S. Studies Centre at the University of Sydney and the Henry A. Kissinger Chair at the Center for Strategic and International Studies.
U.S. President Donald Trump has completed the most disruptive and unpopular first 100 days of any president in modern American history. His supporters would add that it has also been one of the most sweeping and ambitious starts for a new president.
Perhaps we should start with ambitious part. Trump has taken on multiple institutions at home and abroad. He has blocked or threatened to block tens of billions of dollars in federal funding for universities like Harvard that have refused to put their academic and admissions procedures under the administration's supervision. He has arrested a federal judge for allegedly assisting with the escape of an immigrant under warrant, putting pressure on the courts to follow his policies. He has unified Republicans in Congress in tacit, if not enthusiastic, support of his agenda. He has introduced draconian new measures to curb immigration both legal and illegal. He has renamed the Gulf of Mexico the Gulf of America. He has pressured Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky to accept unfavorable terms to end the fighting in Ukraine. He has threatened NATO, frozen most U.S. development assistance and increased average U.S. tariffs from less than 3 percent to more than 25 percent on imports.
His supporters argue that with this "shock and awe" campaign, Trump can cut global welfare handouts when U.S. citizens need the funding at home, eliminate illegal immigration, pressure U.S. allies to stop freeriding on trade and defense and break the "woke" liberal elite.

But that is not quite how the general public sees the first 100 days according to multiple polls. Before being elected, Trump had net positive ratings for his ability to tackle the two most pressing problems voters identified: inflation and illegal immigration. Now Trump's tariffs have not only made inflation worse - the capriciousness and unpredictability of the policy have also stifled economic investment, sparked a $7 trillion U.S. stock market retreat, and nearly crippled the bond markets (usually a safe harbor for investment when stocks are in trouble). Voters can see prices going up and their retirement accounts going down. Trump now has a net negative rating from the public on the economy, with one recent poll showing a 39 percent approval of his performance in that area compared to almost 60 percent when he was elected. And the public has yet to feel the full impact of the tariffs and stymied investment.
Trump should be polling better on immigration, since he did succeed in reducing unauthorized crossings to a trickle. But here, as well, the public rates the president's performance as a net negative. That, too, should have been predictable, since preelection polls showed that the public wanted stronger measures to protect the border but not draconian measures such as deporting legal residents or dividing families, as the Trump administration has done.
At the 100 day mark Trump has begun retreating from many of his attacks: saying he was not going to fire the U.S. Federal Reserve chairman after all, pausing on many tariffs, reversing plans to limit student visas and reconciling (it seems) with Zelensky after Russian President Vladimir Putin rebuffed the administration's overtures for peace.
Will Trump now change his strategy? Probably not - in part because there was no discernible strategy to change. Nor was there any obvious policy process that weighed options or considered repercussions. Decision-making under Trump 2.0 has been on the fly - bold and decisive but rarely considered. It is also worth remembering that Trump has been involved in more than 4000 lawsuits in his career, most of them he lost or settled. Strategy involves identifying ends, ways and means. The Trump method is to put out multiple "ends" so that he can claim one as a victory no m...

Hur Ji-won
The author is a professor at Korea University, school of psychology.
There was a time when I bristled at the world, eyes sharpened by indignation. I couldn't bear the rudeness and clumsiness of others. Why would someone act like that? What drives such behavior? I found myself irritated - at nearly everyone I encountered. But I no longer have the energy to be outraged at every moment, and I've acquired, I think, a modest degree of wisdom. These days, I try to distinguish between rudeness and mere clumsiness. If I sense the former, I still speak up. But if it's the latter, I flip off a mental switch. Click. I don't trouble myself trying to understand why someone is behaving a certain way. They just are. That person says things like that. That person acts like that. I remain in the realm of observation - because I cannot possibly know the history they carry.
Let me turn briefly to the topic of intelligence, a factor said to significantly shape individual lives. David Wechsler, a clinical psychologist in the mid-20th century, developed the intelligence test that remains the only legally recognized one in Korea today. He defined intelligence as the capacity "to act purposefully, to think rationally, and to deal effectively with one's environment." Possessing all three qualities is, in truth, a tall order.

A central tenet of this test is statistical calibration - IQ averages are set at 100 across all countries. The average IQ in the United States is 100; so is Korea's. This also means that, arithmetically, one in every 14 people scores below 80, falling into the borderline intellectual functioning range. One in 50 falls below 70, meeting the criteria for intellectual disability.
At this point, one thing must be emphasized: after administering and teaching intelligence assessments countless times, I've come to realize that intelligence is merely one trait among many, no more extraordinary than earlobe shape, shoe size or weight. In Confucian-influenced societies like Korea, high intelligence and elite academic backgrounds are often idealized - but intelligence is neither a moral absolute nor inherently noble. We all know people who are "only" intelligent. Just as having a certain earlobe shape makes it slightly easier to wear earrings, a certain level of intelligence can be useful in particular circumstances. But someone's intelligence may not fall into the "convenient" range due to nothing more than genetic chance - and that can make navigating their environment more difficult. That in itself is not a problem. That is what civilization and social systems are for: to support.
What is a problem is when we treat that inconvenient trait as grounds for contempt.
A person who struggles to navigate the world might one day find an iced Americano so delicious they want to try it hot - and end up ordering a "hot iced Americano." Or, on a particularly difficult day, they might be so overwhelmed physically that they act inconsiderately toward others in public, wearing a seemingly oblivious or "brazen" expression, unaware that their behavior is causing discomfort. They might raise their voice or push their point aggressively. It happens.
But after more than a decade of working in psychology, I've come to realize something uncomfortable: I was the rude one. I responded to people trying to solve problems in the only way they knew - shaped by their own histories and circumstances - with dogmatic and often harsh judgment. I may not have been clumsy, but I was deeply impolite. So I made a sharp pivot. I resolved not to judge others so quickly - perhaps because, to someone else, I too have seemed clumsy and unpleasant. For the sake of that version of myself, I wanted to lay a soft rug of tolerance everywhere I went.
I now try not to reflexively resent the clumsiness of others, not to flatten their entire history into a narrow caricature or erupt with self-righteous anger. I've stopped asking the pointless question, "Why are they like t...

Kim Jung-ha
The author is an editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo.
Two former presidents have found themselves entangled in legal troubles involving their families. Former President Yoon Suk Yeol endured the indignity of having his private residence searched by prosecutors on April 30. The raid was tied to allegations that Jeon Seong-bae, a shamanic figure known as "Geon Jin," had been involved in influence peddling and illicit business dealings. In 2022, the Unification Church allegedly provided Jeon with a necklace worth tens of millions of won, intended as a gift for then-first lady Kim Keon Hee. Prosecutors are currently trying to determine whether the necklace ever reached her. Personally, I find it hard to believe that the former first lady would have accepted such an extravagant bribe, especially in a country governed by the rule of law. A delivery mishap seems far more plausible. Then again, even if it did reach her, I can't say I'd be entirely shocked. A necklace or a luxury handbag - there's not much difference.

Just days earlier, on April 24, former President Moon Jae-in was indicted without detention on bribery charges. The case centers on his former son-in-law, who, in 2018, received more than 200 million won in salary and housing benefits after securing a job at T'way Air - a budget airline reportedly owned by former Democratic Party lawmaker Lee Sang-jik. Prosecutors contend the arrangement constituted a bribe. Moon's office has strongly denied any involvement in the employment process. However, during his presidency, rumors were widespread that Lee enjoyed a particularly close relationship with then-first lady Kim Jung-sook. The final judgment will rest with the courts.
These two cases are hardly anomalies. Other presidents have also been politically undone by family issues. In the final year of President Kim Young-sam's term, his younger son - long favored - was imprisoned. President Kim Dae-jung endured the humiliation of all three of his sons being indicted and convicted. President Lee Myung-bak watched helplessly as his older brother was arrested at age 77. President Roh Moo-hyun took his own life after his wife, Kwon Yang-sook, came under prosecutorial scrutiny. President Park Geun-hye saw her administration collapse over the misconduct of her longtime confidante Choi Soon-sil, whom she treated like family.

Each incoming president vows to be different, pledging to keep their inner circle in check. And yet so often, it ends in tragedy. Why? Because even the most powerful aides and insiders hesitate to interfere in matters involving the president's family. This is not unique to presidents. Most people believe they understand their own family best. Criticism from others - even well-meaning - is difficult to accept. If a report critical of a family member does manage to reach the president, and it is met with irritation or denial, such reports quickly dry up. The president becomes increasingly insulated from the truth, often dismissing brewing scandals as political attacks or media distortions. By the time they grasp the reality, it is often too late.
This is precisely why it is dangerous to leave family matters solely to a president's personal judgment. Institutional safeguards are essential - and one already exists: the special inspector. This vice minister-level official is tasked with monitoring ethical violations by the president's spouse, immediate family (within four degrees of kinship), and senior aides in the presidential office. And yet, the post has remained vacant for nine years, ever since Lee Seok-su stepped down in 2016. The position has not been abolished - the Special Inspector Act remains on the books. Nearly 1 billion won is allocated annually to fund the office, including rent. And yet the position remains unfilled. How is this even conceivable?

President Moon ignored the role for his entire term. President Yoon, while running for office, vowed to restore it - only to go silent afte...

Oh Se-jung
The author is a professor emeritus of physics and astronomy at Seoul National University and a former president of SNU.
"Soft power," a concept championed by Harvard University professor Joseph Nye, refers to a country's ability to influence others not through coercion but by attraction - by shaping preferences through appeal. Rather than relying on hard power such as military force, soft power draws others in through shared values, culture and ideals. For the past 80 years since World War II, The United States' global dominance has owed not only to its overwhelming military and economic strength, but also to its commitment to universal values like human rights and democracy, and to the allure of its popular culture. Soft power has played a major role in making the United States a country others admire and wish to emulate. Over the years, the United States has invested in this image through foreign aid and initiatives like the Fulbright Program, which welcomed international students and scholars.

But since Donald Trump's second term as president began, these efforts appear to be unraveling. The administration is moving to dismantle the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), which once played a key role in Korea's modernization. It helped fund the establishment of KAIST and supported infrastructure projects like water systems, power plants and cement factories. In February, Elon Musk - head of the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) - dismissed most of USAID's staff, calling the agency a waste of money that promotes "leftist agendas." Secretary of State Marco Rubio has echoed that sentiment, stating USAID often works against national interests and signaling plans for massive downsizing or outright dissolution. Meanwhile, the Fulbright Program has been suspended. The message is clear: if a program doesn't produce immediate returns for the United States, it will be cut.
Support is also drying up for U.S.' research universities, long magnets for global talent and incubators of innovation. Funding cuts to the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and the National Science Foundation (NSF) have led to institutional downsizing, signaling that these reductions may be permanent. This has already begun affecting Korean students and postdocs, whose opportunities to study and work in the United States are shrinking. As funding dwindles, researchers are increasingly seeking opportunities in Europe and Canada. After World War II, America's recruitment of European scientists propelled it to the forefront of global science; now, the reverse is beginning to unfold. Even visa holders - foreign students and visiting scholars - have seen their documents abruptly invalidated, creating an atmosphere of anxiety. Under these conditions, America's ability to attract top global talent is inevitably weakening.
The Trump administration's encroachment on U.S. universities doesn't stop at budget cuts. It has threatened to reduce federal funding to schools that fail to curb antisemitic incidents or refuse to dismantle diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) initiatives. Last week, in an unprecedented move, 269 university presidents, including from Harvard, issued a joint statement condemning the government's interference as a threat to academic freedom. But the administration remains unmoved. The image of American universities as bastions of open, inclusive dialogue - spaces where free inquiry thrives regardless of race or identity - is steadily disintegrating.

This erosion of soft power appears to reflect the Trump administration's overriding emphasis on transactional, short-term gains. On the surface, it may seem fiscally prudent to eliminate foreign aid, scholarships, or basic research funding. But such programs are long-term investments in global goodwill and influence. Joseph Nye argued that the true power of soft power lies in credibility, which accrues over time. Trump's inconsistent rhetoric on tariffs and wavering co...

Following the resignation of Prime Minister Han Duck-soo to launch his presidential campaign, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Economy and Finance Choi Sang-mok has once again assumed the role of acting head of state. It has been just 38 days since Choi last stepped down from that role, after Han returned to office on March 24 following the Constitutional Court's dismissal of his impeachment. At the time, Choi offered a beaming smile and remarked, "Ah, finally," a telling sign of how taxing the role had been. Now, the stakes are even higher. Having led negotiations on tariffs with the United States, Choi must now also oversee election management - an immense burden as the clock counts down to the June 3 presidential vote.
Although U.S. President Donald Trump agreed to delay his 25 percent reciprocal tariff plan by three months, he declared at a ceremony marking his 100th day in office yesterday that his tariff policy "is working" - a boast that underscores how vital it is for Korea to secure a favorable deal. On April 24, in his capacity as deputy prime minister, Choi attended a "2+2" high-level economic dialogue in Washington, where the two sides agreed to reach a conclusion by July. However, recent remarks by U.S. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent have sparked controversy. Speaking the day before yesterday, Bessent said he believed "Korea wants the trade framework finalized before the election," prompting speculation in Seoul.
The Korean government quickly denied that any such discussion had taken place. Nonetheless, political observers have raised suspicions that former acting President Han may have sought to leverage the trade negotiations as a political asset for his presidential bid. That such doubts would arise is not surprising, given the unusual timing of Han's candidacy announcement - just as he was expected to manage the integrity of the election process. As acting head of state during this politically charged period, Choi must now proceed with the tariff negotiations even more cautiously, ensuring that no perception of political interference gains traction.
The urgency is growing on both sides. The U.S. economy contracted by 0.3 percent in real GDP during the first quarter - a likely blowback from its aggressive tariff policies. Washington may now push hard for an early resolution, pressuring Seoul in the process. Meanwhile, Korea saw its exports to the United States fall 6.8 percent last month, largely due to declining shipments of automobiles and industrial machinery. Seoul has no reason to be swept up in Washington's haste, but it must nonetheless approach the negotiations with unwavering resolve to safeguard the national interest.
Only about a month remains until the June 3 election. In that short window, Choi finds himself wearing three hats - as the nation's top economic policymaker, acting prime minister and acting president. The weight on his shoulders is undeniably heavy.
Translated from the JoongAng Ilbo using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff.

The Supreme Court's full bench, on Thursday, presided over by Chief Justice Jo Hee-de, overturned an appeals court's acquittal of Democratic Party (DP) presidential candidate Lee Jae-myung, who had been indicted on charges of making false statements in violation of the Public Official Election Act. The case has now been sent back to the Seoul High Court for retrial.
The Supreme Court established clear criteria for the dissemination of false information during an election campaign. The meaning of a candidate's statement, it ruled, must be interpreted from the perspective of the average voter - not that of the candidate or the judiciary. Moreover, courts must assess whether a disputed statement concerns merely peripheral matters or whether it is significant enough to impair voters' ability to make an informed choice. According to the majority opinion - 10 out of 12 justices - the following two statements made by Lee during the last presidential election campaign met the legal threshold for falsehood: it made it appear as if he had played golf with the late Kim Moon-ki, a former executive at Seongnam Development Corporation; and that the controversial rezoning of the Baekhyeon-dong site was the result of pressure from the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure and Transport.
The ruling aligns more closely with that of the first trial court, which handed down a suspended one-year prison sentence, than with that of appeals court, which acquitted him. If Lee is handed a fine of 1 million won ($700) or more in the retrial and the verdict is upheld by the Supreme Court, he will lose his eligibility to run for public office.
Given the ruling, the Seoul High Court will likely deliver a guilty verdict. However, with the presidential election just one month away, it is unlikely that a final ruling will be handed down before the vote. This has led to an unprecedented situation in which the poll front-runner is campaigning under the cloud of a pending conviction.
Responsibility for this crisis lies squarely with Lee and the DP. Even after a lower court handed down a suspended prison sentence, the party failed to prepare an alternative and pressed forward with a "Lee-centric" strategy. When the appellate court returned an acquittal, Lee and the party lauded the judiciary, calling the verdict a "vindication of justice." But on Wednesday, they abruptly changed tone. Chief spokesperson Cho Seung-rae condemned the Supreme Court for delivering a "rushed ruling" and "improperly intervening in the election." With 10 justices having determined that Lee's remarks were false, it is not the judiciary that deserves rebuke, but rather the candidate and his party, who should consider how to offer a sincere apology to the public. Instead, Lee responded by rejecting the decision, saying the verdict "goes completely against what I believe."
The judiciary is not without fault. Under the Public Official Election Act, the law requires a ruling within six months in the first trial, and within three months each in the second and third trials. But Lee's case took two years and two months to conclude at the district court alone. Though the Supreme Court has now moved quickly, the delay has nonetheless produced enormous political confusion.
Should Lee win the election, further legal and constitutional uncertainties will follow. Article 84 of the Constitution grants a sitting president immunity to criminal prosecution, but its application to cases where an indictment was issued before inauguration remains unclear. If the trial continues post-election, Lee could face the possibility of removal from office despite having won. The Supreme Court made no mention of Article 84 in its ruling, thereby leaving constitutional ambiguity unresolved and casting a shadow over the election. This legal uncertainty must be addressed swiftly in order to prevent deeper national division.
Responsibility also lies with former President Yoon Suk Yeol, whose unlawful imposition of martial la...